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مرجع كامل در مورد كتب كهن تركي

شروع موضوع توسط Behrooz ‏2 ژانویه 2006 در انجمن داستان

  1. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
    ‏7 سپتامبر 2004
    نوشته ها:
    10,985
    تشکر شده:
    244
    محل سکونت:
    Tehran
    سلام خدمت دوستان عزيز

    منبع بسيار كاملي در مورد آثار و كتب كهن تركي وجود دارد كه براي علاقه مندان و دوستداران اين ادبيات بسيار حائز اهميت است .
    بر آن شدم كه اين آثار را به مرور در اين تاپيك معرفي كنم .
     
  2. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
    ‏7 سپتامبر 2004
    نوشته ها:
    10,985
    تشکر شده:
    244
    محل سکونت:
    Tehran
  3. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
    ‏7 سپتامبر 2004
    نوشته ها:
    10,985
    تشکر شده:
    244
    محل سکونت:
    Tehran
  4. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
    ‏7 سپتامبر 2004
    نوشته ها:
    10,985
    تشکر شده:
    244
    محل سکونت:
    Tehran
    Chora Batır



    CHORA BATIR: A TATAR ADMONITION TO FUTURE GENERATIONS
    H.B. Paksoy
    The following paper is published in STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE COMMUNISM (London & Los Angeles) VOL. XIX Nos. 3 and 4; Autumn/Winter 1986. Pp. 253-265. [For space considerations, footnotes are shortened]
    Introductory Note

    Chora Batir is the Tatar account of events and associated social conditions within two Tatar (Kazan and Crimean) khanates prior to the Russian conquest of Kazan. This military venture represents the earliest Russian eastward expansion and one of the first outside Slav domains. Russian, Soviet and Western historians, in recording and analyzing this event and the relationship between Kazan and Muscovy that preceded it, have relied almost exclusively on Russian sources, especially the highly politically motivated chronicles. These were mostly exercises in wishful thinking rather than recording history. [1] Rarely have scholars attempted to beyond these sources or the views they contain. One noteworthy exception is a group of articles published in SLAVIC REVIEW in 1967 [2] by Edward L. Keenan, Jaroslaw Pelenski, and Omeljan Pritsak (Introduction by Ihor Sevcenko) which brought new information to light using heretofore neglected sources and a broader viewpoint. These authors noted the scarcity of the Tatar view of Kazan-Muscovite relations and the conquest itself. CHORA BATIR partly answers that need, so that the SLAVIC REVIEW articles and CHORA BATIR at one level complement each other.

    However, CHORA BATIR is not primarily a report of the conquest or of relations with Muscovy, neither is it a chronicle. CHORA BATIR is a dastan, an ornate oral history which embodies the essential issues of Central Asian identity. It is part of the historical and literary traditions of the Tatars, the beginnings of which predate even the first mention of the 'Rus' in written records. It is in these terms that CHORA BATIR, and all dastans, must be viewed. Furthermore, CHORA BATIR presents a threat to the Russians and for that reason they have attempted to destroy it. It is threat not merely because this dastan names the Russian as the enemy: CHORA BATIR constitutes a profound challenge to Russian and Soviet attempts to portray history as they see fit. As history, it belies Soviet historiography's accounts of 'national origins,' 'historic friendships,' and 'voluntary unions' with the Russian state. Like all dastans, it thereby represents a roadblock to the mythology underlying efforts to create the New Soviet Man. As literature, it undermines the regime's attempt to establish the alleged primacy of literary Russian. [3] Therefore, this paper discusses CHORA BATIR as a repository.

    The Dastan Genre

    CHORA BATIR is a dastan, an ornate oral history. This literary genre is the repository of the Central Asian identity, its customs, and the traditions of the Central Asian Turkic tribal confederations. They are recited by ozans (composer-reciters), who accompany themselves with a native musical instrument (kopuz), at every feasible occasion. CHORA BATIR belongs to the Tatars. In 1923, Gazi Alim wrote:


    ...if we do not know the dastans...we will not become familiar with the struggles of the Turkish tribes, the reasons underlying their politico-economic endeavors, their methods and rules of warfare, the characters and the social places of their heroes in their societies; in short, the details of their past...All Turkish tribes have their dastans: the kipchaks have their KOBLANDI BATIR; the Nogays, IDIGE BATIR; the Kungrats, ALPAMYSH BATIR; the NAYMANS, CHORA BATIR; the Kirghiz, MANAS BATIR [4]

    After centuries of purely oral existence, CHORA BATIR was committed to paper, like most other dastans, at various locations and times by different individuals in the 19th century. [5] CHORA BATIR is the only classical Central Asian dastan which names the Russians as the enemy. Thus it is no surprise that the Soviet regime, which is very active in propagating the alleged Russian epic, the LAY OF THE HOST OF IGOR, has taken a very different attitude toward CHORA BATIR. The Russians attempted to eradicate this dastan (along with others) and failing that, tried to subvert it. The duality of the Russians' behavior regarding the 'epics' is nowhere more clear that in a comparison of the attacks on CHORA BATIR and the glorification of the IGOR TALE. This unequal policy is reflected in a resolution submitted to UNESCO calling for the commemoration of the '800th anniversary' of the IGOR TALE. The resolution refers to this tale--a work of controversial origin and character--as one of the 'events which have left an imprint on the development of humanity,' and as 'one of the jewels of world literature.' It 'invites the scientific and cultural community of the Member States of UNESCO to undertake the extensive commemoration of this anniversary which represents a landmark in the history of world culture." [6] Neither the IGOR TALE nor the two centuries' long debate over its authenticity concerns us here. However, it is ironic that this tale which Russians regard as so fundamental to their literature actually deals with early Turk-Slav relations. [7] Kazak writer Oljay Suleimanov's AZ I YA, [8] a recent contribution to the discussion of the IGOR TALE's origins and intent, reveals pervasive Turkic elements in the text. It further suggests earlier historic relations between Turk and Slav peoples and the great cultural impact of the Turks on the relatively more primitive Slavs. [9] This may be yet another factor which contributed to the official unpopularity of CHORA BATIR. In any event, it is noteworthy that this much touted heroic epic of the Russian people commemorates the defeat of the Slavs by the Kumans (also known as Kipchak, Polovtsy), a Turkic tribe. [10]

    As for CHORA BATIR itself, several written variations exist. Most of these were recorded between the 1890s and the 1930s in the Russian empire and abroad. Those collected and published within the Russian empire were subject to the infamous censorship laws. Although Peter I made the first attempt at controlling the printed word in 1722, the first censorship statute was not promulgated until 1804 during the reign of Alexander I. Between 1826 and 1828, under Nicholas I, the most strict codes were developed. However, these proved to be so unwieldy as to be unenforceable and were superseded by a new code in 1828. The 1828 code laid the basic foundation for many areas of censorship for the rest of the imperial period. A major supplement to the 1828 code was enacted in 1865 which shifted the emphasis from a preemptive character (where the efforts of the censor are concentrated on preventing the 'offensive' material from reaching the press) to a punitive character (providing sanctions against those defying the censor). [11]

    By the 1890s, the character of censorship had become particularly troublesome with respect to non-Russians. From the reign of Alexander III (1881-1894), Russification became an official policy of the state. Censors were sensitive to any elements of anti-monarchical and, increasingly, of anti- Russian or anti-Orthodox thought. Policies in publication, like those in education, were heavily influenced by the drive to Russify and Christianize. Russians such as the missionary and Orientalist Il'minskii came directly into conflict with Turkic Muslims and especially with the Tatars. [12] It was in this atmosphere that CHORA BATIR was first put on paper.

    To our knowledge, the first to collect and publish CHORA BATIR was Abubekir Divaoglu, a Bashkurt, during 1895 in Tashkent. [13] Divaoglu, as the editor, concludes his narration of CHORA BATIR with a mysterious remark to which we shall return.

    Radloff appears to be the second person who recorded the dastan. [14] Characteristically for him, it is a fragment, severely truncated and taken down without noting the source or the time or place of recording. Perhaps this was simply Radloff's usual overeagerness in rushing into print, or the effects of censorship. He may have been compelled to leave out those parts which were objectionable to the Russians. However, Radloff presents a small variant pertaining to the courage and valor of CHORA BATIR himself which is not found in more complete versions.

    Tatars themselves, perhaps again due to the prevailing censorship in the Russian domains, could not openly print this dastan. On the other hand, two Tatars demonstrated their remembrance of this heritage (perhaps in defiance of the censor) by including passages from a verse-variant in their HISTORY OF TATAR LITERATURE. [15] Another version, recorded among the Dobruca Tatars in 1935 by Saadet Ishaki (Cagatay) and issued in Krakow, unlike the remaining versions contains a complete sequence. [16] Another variant appeared in Istanbul during 1939. [17] This one was taken down from emigre Tatars living in the Turkish Republic, with extensive dialogues in verse. A Tashkent version [18] and two Bucharest [19] variants, if merged, may constitute a somewhat complete dastan, for the Tashkent version lacks the ending, and the Bucharest fragments have rather scanty introductions. The latest CHORA BATIR variant reaching the West is found in TATAR PEOPLE'S CREATIONS, A COLLECTION OF DASTANS, printed in Kazan during 1984. [19A] We can expect that further variants, new and old, will emerge or be unearthed in the future.

    Below is a composite summary which I have compiled from the aforementioned variants. The task of a full translation, utilizing all available sources, with critical apparatus, awaits a more suitable time.

    Synopsis of CHORA BATIR

    A young man named Narik is a page in the service of a Khan in Crimea. He is known to be a diligent worker, trustworthy, honorable, and a brave soul. He is present at the Khan's Court where he is highly visible. Merchants plying the lands of the continent are very much impressed with the exemplary character of Narik. So the merchants present him with rare and expensive gifts. The Khan, not wishing to be outdone in his own Court, orders his page Narik to journey in the domains of his khanate for the purpose of finding a suitable girl to marry. This gesture of the Khan further evokes the jealousies of others who are in the court.

    Narik traverses the land of the Khan, between the Idil (Volga) and Yayik (Ural) rivers, in the Turgay-Yayik basin and while resting in a village, notices a woman who kindles the fire and, keeping with the custom, refrains from stepping on the ashes. Narik, noticing this attention to tradition, asks if this woman has a daughter. Finding that she indeed has, declares that he would like to marry her.

    The marriage takes place with due pomp and ceremony with all the dignitaries and the masses in attendance. However, the Khan's son is also taken with the beauty of Menli Aruk Sulu, Narik's bride. Scheming to take her, the young Prince orders Narik to carry a message to Moscow. Menli Aruk Sulu, suspecting the Prince's motive, begs Narik not to go. Narik seems indignant, and seems to refuse to heed his wife's word. However, he decides to feign departure and to return unobserved. The Prince visits Narik's home that night, confident of finding Menli Aruk Sulu alone. Narik's wife admits the Prince into the house and begins telling him a tale:


    My father was a wealthy man who lived along the Idil river. He had herds of horses. In one of those herds there was a beautiful colt. One day this colt fell asleep and became separated from the herd. A hungry wolf, attacked, and bit the colt's hind leg. Just in time, a hunter tracking the wolf appeared on the scene. The wolf took refuge in the forest but the colt was left lame. Time passed, a lion hunted down the lame colt. But the lion noticed the teeth marks of the wolf on the colt's leg and said 'I am a lion. I will not eat any animal that survived a wolf.'

    The prince, very upset, rising, states: 'May your tongue be swollen Menli Aruk. You are a young woman, where did you learn to speak in this manner?'
    As the Prince prepares to leave, Narik, who has been secretly observing the proceedings, confronts and kills him. When the prolonged absence of the Prince becomes apparent, the Khan begins questioning the members of his Court. Narik owns up to his deed. Given the evidence, the Khan tells him: 'I cannot punish you, for you were in your rights. However, from now on, we cannot be in amity.' After amply paying Narik for his past services, the Khan orders Narik to leave the land. Narik leaves with his wife. One day Menli Aruk has a dream: 'A flame shot out from between my feet. A black cloud appeared in the sky. Very heavy rains emanating from this cloud extinguished the fire.' Menli Aruk continues: 'I will interpret my dream. I will give birth to a boy who will become a mighty batir.'

    Time passes. Narik and Menli Aruk's son Chora is herding the village cows together with other youngsters. An old man appears, a mendicant dervish passing through the village. While the other boys are afraid of the visitor, Chora treats him with respect and offers food. Before leaving, the old man selects a young colt, ties a collar around its neck, naming it Tasmali Ker. The dervish then tells Chora: 'By the time you grow up to be a mighty Batir, this colt will become a steed worthy of you.'

    Later on, the Khan's tax collector, Ali Bey, visits the village for the annual payment. Narik treats the tax collector to a feast. While he is eating, the tax collector notices that a young man is watching him intently. Although every other individual in the village seems to be deeply intimidated by his presence, Chora appears to be curious and not at all afraid. Ali Bey leaves the village without collecting any taxes, citing for his reason the fact that he was treated in the most courteous manner.

    However, the tax collector's master, the Khan of the region, hears of the incident and summons Ali Bey: 'Why did you not collect any taxes from the Kokuslu Kok Dam?' Ali Bey answers: 'I granted it to a young man in that village.' 'Were you afraid of him?' "No, not at all. However, he is a valiant young man.' The Khan thus desires to meet Chora. The word is sent, Chora appears before the Khan and the Court. After due and proper salutation, the Khan expresses amazement. 'You are but a youth. You are not a Batir. Look at Ali Bey. He can tie his mustache behind his neck. When he walks, his steps sound as if seventy thousand troops are afoot. He is the equal of one-thousand Batirs. How many men are you equal?' Chora Batir answers: 'I am equal to one who is worthy of me.' Immediately withdrawing from the Court, Chora mounts his horse, and heads towards his village.

    The Khan, observing this, orders forty men to intercept Chora. The forty men crowd Chora's path. Chora dismounts. Girding his loins, he then remounts and spurring his horse, battles and overcomes the forty men. He ties their hands, disrobes them all, and takes them back to the Khan: 'Make sure these dogs are well tethered so that they may not attack other travellers.'

    This event deeply embarrasses and angers the Khan. He orders Ali Bey to gather plenty of troops and pillage Chora's village and bring back his horse. Chora is not home. Ali Bey insults Narik. Collecting Chora's horse, Ali Bey returns to the Khan's Court. Narik seeks his son Chora and relates the events in a long and touching manner, in verse. Chora, girding up once more, again does battle with the Khan's men. After defeating them all, he recovers his horse. He cannot any longer stay in the same location. Therefore, he heads for Kazan.

    On the way, he sights and shoots an akku, a very high flying bird. The bird falls to the ground in Kazan. The Batirs resident there discover the bird with an arrow through its body. It is reported that ordinarily it is not possible to shoot this bird in flight. The arrow cannot be identified by any of the Batirs as belonging to anyone living in their realm. In fact the arrow is too long to fit the bows of the people who have found it. The Batirs of Kazan, the best in the land, marvel at this incident and are clearly intimidated.

    Upon further investigation, it is determined that the arrow was discharged from Chora Batir's bow, who has just arrived in Kazan. He is immediately invited to take part in a shooting contest. Chora Batir borrows a bow and an arrow, but the bow cannot withstand the power of Chora Batir. When drawn, it breaks. He is at once given another, but the same fate befall the new bow. His shooting skills are then questioned. He asks that his own bow be brought, which he had left with his horse. One Batir cannot carry Chora Batir's bow. A second Batir is sent to help the first. Two Batirs manage to carry it with difficulty.. With his bow in hand, Chora Batir wins the contest.

    The other Batirs, who have been unseated from their former glory by Chora Batir, conspire against him. However, Chora Batir prevails over them. The Khan of Kazan's daughter, Sari HAnim, distributes valuable gifts to thirty-two resident Batirs. Some receive a horse, others embroidered robes or a sword. To Chora Batir, she sends an empty money pouch. Annoyed, Chora discards the bag on a dunghill.

    At this point, word of Russian forces attacking Kazan reaches the Batirs. Thirty-two Batirs face the Muscovites, and fight for seven days and nights to no avail. The Khan asks: 'How is it that the Batirs cannot turn back the Muscovites? Is Chora Batir among them?' The answer he receives is 'No, Chora has not left his abode.' The elders of Kazan visit Chora Batir, imploring him to take up arms against the Russians. Chora does not answer. Next, the Khan of Kazan comes calling with the same request. Chora does not leave his room. Now, it is Sari Hanim's turn, who arrives with her select handmaidens, and makes an impassioned and tearful plea. Finally, Chora responds with: 'You gave valuable presents to each of the thirty-two Batirs. To me you sent an empty money pouch. These thirty-two Batirs cannot turn back the Muscovites. How can I leave this room?' Then Sari Hanim asks: 'Where is that pouch now?' 'On the dunghill.'

    Sari Hanim and her beautiful hand-maidens rush out to the dunghill and start sifting through it. They recover and return the pouch to Sari Hanim who opens it and displays a sword folded eight times. Chora Batir is overjoyed. Wielding this 'Gokcubuk,' Chora joins the battle against the Russians who came to conquer Kazan. Chora Batir turns back the Russians. The Russian general, defeated by Chora Batir, takes an oath never to return again or to gird a sword. Upon this victory, Chora Batir becomes the 'Bas Batir' of Cifali Khan, ruler of Kazan.

    After their defeat, the Russians consult astrologers to seek a way to subdue Kazan and especially Chora Batir. The astrologers determine that a Russian girl would conceive a son by Chora Batir, and this boy would eventually kill his father. The Russians send a pretty girl to Kazan with specific instructions to find Chora Batir and return to Russian territory upon becoming pregnant. Chora Batir lives with the girl. After conceiving, the Russian girl returns to her people.

    Time passes; Chora Batir's son by the Russian girl grows up and leads the Russian troops advancing on Kazan. During the final battle for Kazan, Chora Batir is killed by this boy.

    Commentary

    Chora Batir contains references and allusions to various known aspects of Tatar political life and Tatar-Muscovite relations. It shows that the khanates of Crimean and Kazan are now separate realms, and each in the possession of different ruling khans. [20] The dastan reflects the frequent diplomatic relations with Crimea maintained with Muscovy -- Chora is asked without much fanfare to undertake a mission to Moscow. Muscovite attacks upon Kazan appear at regular intervals and seem to be routine, even expected by the Kazan populace.

    The dastan also shows some causes of internal friction in both khanates: in Crimea, the tax collection by the functionaries of the Khan is not on a smooth or methodical basis; and in Kazan, there is obviously a division of opinion as to who should take command against a Russian attack. There are 32 Batirs in Kazan, prior to Chora Batir's arrival. They are the ones heading the Kazan forces in battle against the Muscovites. To what extent this group is directly related to the 'karachi families' is not immediately obvious. [21] These 32 Batirs may or may not have constituted an additional council to the Khan.

    The dastan further indicates Tatar awareness of Muscovite use of 'astrologers.' Indeed, although astrology is not acceptable within Christianity, visions and dreams certainly figure, sometimes prominently, in Rus chronicles, such as the KAZANSKAIA ISTORIIA. [23]

    CHORA BATIR does not, however, allude to the overt competition which existed among Crimea and Muscovy for control over the Turgay-Yayik basin. This is especially important in the period immediately preceding the Russian conquest because in the late 1520s and early 1540s, various members of the Crimean ruling family assumed the throne in Kazan. [24] The competitive Crimean-Kazan relationship is hinted at in Chora's moving to Kazan khanate, when in disfavor in the Crimean Khan's realm.

    Turning to the structure of the dastan, a number of features stand out. There seems to be almost inordinate emphasis on Chora's parents, then on Chora's childhood and early feats. Once he leaves Crimea, less attention is paid such details. (However, focus on this type of detail is in keeping with the tradition of the Central Asian dastans). The ending, on the conquest itself, is so rapidly disposed of as to be almost anticlimactic. This is most unusual for a classical dastan, which describes the outcome in vivid detail.

    Composers of the dastan emphasize Chora's lineage --the honor and bravery of his father and the virtuousness of his mother-- and his early feats that set him apart from others. They display the noble qualities of his parents and his innocent youth. These suggest Chora's innate virtues and strength, thereby stressing even further the height from which he fell because of his own indiscretion or error of judgement. By his ill-considered liaison with the Russian girl, he ensured his own defeat as no other Batir, not even whole armies, had been able to do.

    This treatment of Chora is also significant in that responsibility for his own actions is placed on the Batir himself rather than attributed to 'fate,' 'divine will' or some other uncontrollable or unknown force. It reinforces the concrete aspect of the dastan, which is discussed further below. The perils of 'intermarriage' are stunningly disposed of in the terse and stern ending --the death of the Batir and the fall of Kazan. This ending is most unusual for the dastan genre. All classical dastans end with the liberation of the people to which they belong, under the leadership of the alp [25] who is the favorite son. The victory is invariably celebrated by a TOY (lavish feast). However, in CHORA BATIR the ending marks a defeat. This exception is made so as to shake a finger at future generations. Because dastans are also the 'last will and testament' of the creators and their generation, this ending provides an almost eerie foreshadowing of the debate on sliianie ('merging') in later times. The perils of ignoring the admonition of CHORA BATIR are vividly demonstrated in UNCENSORED RUSSIA (Peter Reddaway, Trans., Ed.) which documents the plight of Crimean Tatars in their current fight for their homeland (American Heritage Press, 1972).

    CHORA BATIR is remarkably free of magical imagery, which at times constitutes the ornamentation in such a work. Also absent are supernatural motifs. Hence it drives home the solid message that any well bred young man of Tatar origin can duplicate the efforts and deeds of CHORA BATIR. In fact, this is one of the main messages incorporated into the dastan by its composers. It contains the admonition and, as already noted, the 'last will and testament' of the Tatars of the 16th century; the Russians are the eternal enemies --no 'sliianie,' no 'sblizheniie,' not even 'druzhba.'

    In light of the clear message of the uncensored versions of CHORA BATIR, divaoglu's ending is especially curious. He abruptly truncates his narrative, leaving Chora alive after the battle. In three brief, cryptically apologetic paragraphs he concludes the narration:


    About the further activities of Chora Batir, nothing is known. By some accounts, he returned to Kazan.
    And now, we will offer a prayer for the repose of the souls of these wondrous heroes, never having thundered throughout the universe! (Having been cut down at their prime). Lighten, Oh God, the heavy embankment over their graves.

    And now we will close our mouth and forgive us, reader, if into the narration have crept a small mistake. Indeed we are people, and people sometimes err. [26]


    This also attests to the nature of Russian censorship. Furthermore, true to the dastan tradition, the Divaoglu 1895 variant contains a layer of local references suggesting the travels of the dastan eastward. Dastans, as they migrate with their owners, tend to acquire these additional layers and details on one common base. Analysis of all layers, and their contents, allows the historian a method for tracing their movements. [27]
    The 1984 Kazan version, despite persisting censorship, goes remarkably further. Tatars seem to have employed suitable allusions to make the final point clear. The Kazan 1984 variant also specifically names the Russians as the enemy. In the end, Chora Batir, while fighting against the attacking Russian forces, encounters a young man among their ranks. He cannot defeat this boy, and from the intensity of the struggle from between them, Chora Batir's horse's hooves become very hot. To cool them, Chora Batir rides into a nearby body of water, where he is drowned.

    The Russian Attacks on CHORA BATIR and Central Asian Native Literature

    During the cultural and 'national' purges of the 1930s, CHORA BATIR had been especially singled out by the Soviet regime for total extinction due to its powerful message. The Soviets almost succeeded in eliminating all written copies of this dastan. However, despite the state's monumental efforts CHORA BATIR is still alive, befitting the best dastan tradition of oral recitation. It surely is not a coincidence that a number of principal characters in current Tatar and other Central Asian literary works several resemble Chora Batir.

    The Russians have always been aware of the power of native works in Central Asian literature, especially the dastans. The tsarists, in preparation for colonization, studied them in order to understand the mind of the Central Asians. The St. Petersburg establishment also trained the Orientalists who were assigned as advisers to the tsarist expeditionary commanders in the field during the phase of the conquest. Later, a number of these individuals were designated as 'Inspectors of Schools,' virtually performing the functions of civilian Governors-General (semi-independent under the military governors) in the aftermath of the military operations. [28]

    The Bolsheviks, following Lenin's dicta with regard to the preservation of national customs, and attempting to defuse reaction against their rule, [29] tolerated the printing of the dastans in the 1920s. Later, the Soviets highly praised the same body of literature as 'liberty songs of the Central Asians.' [30] During the 1930s a number of these works were reprinted in the original and translated into Russian.

    Then came the 'crisis of the dastans' between 1950 and 1952, when the whole of these dastans were attacked fiercely by the apparatchiks. [31] Apparently the dastans were finally read --in Russian translation-- by part planners and in military circles. It was at once correctly assessed that their stubborn contents would stiffen the Central Asian resolve against Soviet designs. A series of denunciations immediately declared them 'reactionary,' 'poisonous,' and 'feudal.' [32] The Soviets wanted to eradicate them totally. They were banished from all libraries, removed from sight, and became contraband. But the dastans did not die; thanks to their oral tradition they remained safe in the minds and souls of their reciters.

    The Russians responded, in part, by liquidating the reciters and the traditional native schools in which they trained. The memory of the dastans still did not fade away, because entire generations had heard them many times. Finally realizing that overt methods were not succeeding in removing them from the minds of the Central Asians, the Soviets changed their approach. This new method involved a renewed effort to take down the traditional oral literature of the Central Asian Turkic populations and fix it on paper. These manuscripts were then deposited with the nearest branch or affiliate of the USSR Academy of Sciences, for 'safekeeping' and eventual 'preparation for publication.' Not all versions thus collected were heard again. The censorship duties with respect to the Central Asian literature seems to rest, as they had before the revolution, in the Oriental Institutes. This appears to have remained the case despite the creation by the Soviet regime of GLAVLIT, which oversees the Russian literature. The Soviet Oriental Institutes, under the orders of the Communist Party, went beyond merely removing offensive passages and were charged with the task of actively and zealously propagating Marxism. [33] To obey and execute the order, the Oriental Institutes devised 'sanitization.'

    The phase of preparing for publication, under very close Russian supervision, has crucial importance. During this process, any passages reminiscent of the old ways or statements bearing on the historical identity of the Central Asians are deleted from the text. I term this practice 'sanitization' as it strives to remove all aspects of the historical heritage that may be instrumental in germinating the true Central Asian identity in the minds of the new generations. All relevant historical facts are stripped away and in some cases replaced by artificial versions sympathetic to the Soviet cause. Along the way, the linguistic style is also altered. [34]

    When the Russians 'proudly' claim that they are doing all they can to preserve the 'native folklore' of the Central Asian heritage, they are referring to the sanitized versions they have been printing of Central Asian literature. The Russian use of the term 'folklore' is not incidental. The aim is to relegate all aspects of native Central Asian culture to the status of folklore, a harmless and antiseptic body of tales which will only add skin-deep color to Soviet life.

    As a platform for the sanitization, some of the old popular reciters and their works were 'rehabilitated' post mortem, albeit after having been subjected to this heavy 'sterilization.' These works are now held by the Russians as the ultimate and 'final' versions of the dastans. These are the ones found in the libraries and one and all are encouraged to study them, while the complete and old variants, collected by the Orientalists, languish in the manuscript departments of, inter alia, Tashkent, Alma Ata, Leningrad, and Moscow. This new method is infinitely more destructive and has more far-reaching effects. When the young Central Asians now read the sanitized, 'folkloric tale' versions of the most important Central Asian historical documents, they have no way of knowing that these have been completely gutted. The older generations, who knew these works well, are no longer there to advise their offspring otherwise.

    Rescuers

    Becoming aware of the games the Soviets are playing, Central Asians have been adapting to the new conditions. Their weapon is historical fiction. That is to say, the new generations of authors have been producing volumes of 'fiction' on historical topics. Since the genre is officially classified and labelled as 'roman' (novel) these young Central Asian authors have been able to move in directions that are not possible for their historian brethren. [35]

    The Central Asian historian is fettered by the works of Lenin, Marx, and the latest Politburo chairman. On the other hand, the novelist can write about an allegedly fictitious area and timeframe. That does not mean, however, that the novelists are completely free and without official manuals to guide their pens. [36] For that matter, occasionally the censors are awakened to the fact that a work is a direct indictment of the Soviet system in the guise of glorification of it. Consequently, the guilty author is suitably paraded before his knowing colleagues, officially repenting, and promising to rework his latest opus. [37] Nevertheless, the novelists are able to return to the original sources of their own history, the dastan. Mamadali Mahmudov's OLMEZ KAYALAR (Immortal Cliffs), published in 1981 is a prime example, one which also incorporated CHORA BATIR into its main theme. [38] Thus the 'official history' now becomes the fiction. As one Marxist philosopher recently put it: "We all know that the future is glorious, comrades. It is the past that keeps changing."

    Conclusion

    The dastans are so resilient that they also adapt themselves both to adversity and to new technology. Some 'unsanitized,' unapproved dastans are now being spread on cassettes. These cassettes are prepared and recorded within the Soviet sound studios by the Central Asians, much to the chagrin of the Soviet establishment. [39] More significant even than the production of these unsanitized cassettes is their immense popularity. Demand for them is great and they appear to be selling widely. This is indicative of their continuing appeal to the populace at large, and not merely to the educated 'elite.'

    That popularity raises an even larger, fundamental issue --the nature of Central Asian identity. Current views of Soviet Central Asia stress that religion is the primary identity among Central Asian 'Muslims.' The popularity of these cassette dastans, which are not religious, [40] and the conditions under which they are produced and sold is yet another signal demanding a rethinking of the conventional wisdom. In the face of mounting evidence recently reaching the West, the primacy of Islam as the driving force of current Central Asian identity can no longer be accepted as 'given.'

    The clear distinction between the ethnic and religious identities, though generally ignored in the Western scholarship during recent decades, is not a new phenomenon. It is often expounded, in various forms, by many native Central Asian authors, old and new. Among the last four generations of writers elucidating this issue, in addition to Oljay Suleimanov already referred above, can be cited Yusuf Akcuraoglu, [41] Gazi Alim, [42] Hamid Alimcan, [43] Alisher Ibadinov, [44] Mamadali Mahmudov, [45] and Qulmat Omuraliyev. [46] This is by no means a comprehensive list.

    All of these authors have risked not only their careers, futures, and lives but also those of their families. Many others lost their lives in the purges. But all these dangers did not restrain the Central Asians. Each author, for an expression of his true identity and those of his fellow Central Asians, drew on the historic documents of their common heritage. Their sources included the dastans, the repositories. In their approach to the task of recovering their native identity, Central Asian authors utilize dastans and alps as sources and models for their arguments. Some, such as Mahmudov and Ibadinov, freely borrow motifs. Others, like Gaspirali, include the name of a specific alp in their address to the public.

    Gaspirali Ismail Bey, [47] was the founder of Jadidism, [48] and the proprietor of one of the longest lived Turkic language newspapers in the Russian empire, TERCUMAN. [49] During 1905, a group of revolutionary young Tatars impetuously criticized Gaspirali Ismail Bey in the newspaper TAN (Dawn) [50] for his cautionary views. Gaspirali answered his critics in his widely read TERCUMAN. [51] His reference to CHORA BATIR, without further elaboration, reflects the wide familiarity of his readers and critics with the dastan and its messages. Moreover,, Gaspirali does not leave to chance or interpretation whose duty it is to follow these lessons --each individual and the community as a whole must heed the admonition of the dastan. In this way Gaspirali acts as a link between traditional recitation and necessarily elliptical allusion. He is utilizing the dastan in the spirit it is intended and foreshadowing the work of later rescuers of Central Asia's alps and their legacies. Gaspirali's retort is embedded in his following poem:


    If my arrow would hit the target
    If my horse should win the race
    CHORABATIR is valiant

    If my arrow could not reach its target
    And my horse cannot win the race
    Tell me, what could CHORABATIR do? [52]


    NOTES

    [1] Much has been written on this propensity of the Rus chroniclers, inter alia, 'predicting' events that have already happened. For an evaluation of the chronicle genre, see Basil Dmytryshyn, A HISTORY OF RUSSIA (Prentice Hall, 1977). For the political deployment of these chronicles, see Jaroslaw Pelenski RUSSIA AND KAZAN: CONQUEST AND IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY, 1438-1560 (Mouton, 1974); Edward L. Keenan, "Muscovy and Kazan: Some Introductory Remarks on the Patterns of Steppe Diplomacy" SLAVIC REVIEW, Vol. XXVI, No. 4, 1967.

    [2] Vol XXVI, No. 4, December 1967.

    [3] The very definition of dastan in BOL'SHAIA SOVETSKAIA ENTSIKLOPEDIIA is written to downgrade its true nature. See my ALPAMYSH (manuscript in progress) for details. [ALPAMYSH: CENTRAL ASIAN IDENTITY UNDER RUSSIAN RULE (Hartford, 1989)]

    [4] "Alpamysh Dastanina Mukaddime" (Introduction to the dastan ALPAMYSH) by Gazi Alim, in BILIM OCAGI Nos. 2-3, 18 May 1923. Since the majority of the events related in CHORA BATIR generally took place in the first half of the 16th century, we must conclude that Gazi Alim was referring to the Tatars, whose tribal confederation included the Naymans from earlier times. At this point, however, we do not know the sources on which Gazi Alim based his arguments with respect to the Nayman reference. CHORA BATIR may well have travelled with Naymans east to Turkistan, after the fall of Kazan. These Naymans then joined and merged into Kungrats, a subdivision of the Ozbeks. See Z. V. Togan, TURKILI TURKISTAN (Istanbul, 1981). Substantiating Gazi Alim's observation, an earlier variant of CHORA BATIR was taken down from the Kirghiz, in the Chimkent region by Divayoglu. See below.

    [5] For further details of the early work on this matter, see my "Saviours of Dastans," presented at the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) national conference, Boston, November 1986.

    [6] Full text of this resolution is found in INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (Moscow: All Union Znaniye Society) August 1984, P. 149.

    [7] See P. B. Golden, KHAZAR STUDIES (Budapest, 1980); N. Golb, O. Pritsak, KHAZARIAN HEBREW DOCUMENTS OF THE TENTH CENTURY (Ithaca, 1982); U. Schamiloglu, "Tribal Politics and Social Organization" (Doctoral Dissertation, Columbia University, 1986); Alan Fisher, CRIMEAN TATARS (Stanford, 1978).

    [8] Olzhas Suleimanov, AZ I YA: kniga blagonamerennogo chitatelia (Alma-Ata, 1975).

    [9] For a discussion of AZ I YA, see F. Diat, "Olzhas Suleimanov: Az I Ja" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY Vol 3, No. 1 1984.

    [10] P. B. Golden, "Cumanica" ARCHIVUM EURASIAE MEDII AEVI, IV 1984; Thomas Noonan, "Polovtsy" MERSH, 1981.

    [11] M. T. Choldin, A FENCE AROUND THE EMPIRE (Durham, 1985); B. Daniel, CENSORSHIP IN RUSSIA (Washington, 1979).

    [12] Hugh Seton-Watson, THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, 1801-1917 (Oxford, 1967).

    [13] See my "Saviors" and note 26 below.

    [14] PROBEN (St. Petersburg, 1896) Vol. 6.

    [15] G. Rahim and G. Gaviv, TATAR EDEBIYATI TARIHI (Kazan, 1925), p. 141.

    [16] CHORA BATIR. Polska Akademja, Nr. 20.

    [17] Collected by Hasan Ortekin, Eminonu Halkevi No. X.

    [18] DASTANLAR (Tashkent, 1980). Reprinted in EMEL. 1984.

    [19] TEPEGOZ: DOBRUCA MASALLARI (Bukres, 1985).

    [19A] F. V. Ahmatova (Ed.), TATAR HALK ICADI (Kazan, 1984).

    [20] There were also relations between the Tatar domains and Central Asia. The Russian encroachment towards East 'Turkistan' (also called Independent Tartary by romantic authors) was being watched closely by Central Asian rulers. See Togan.

    [21] E. L Keenan, "The Jarlik of Axmed-Xan to Ivan III: A New Reading" INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SLAVIC LINGUISTICS AND POETICS, Vol. XII, 1967.

    [22] The figure 32 is not necessarily among the more widely known and recognized auspicious numbers which are at times employed for ornamentation.

    [23] See Pelenski, RUSSIA and KAZAN.

    [24] . W. Fisher CRIMEAN TATARS, op. cit. p. 43.

    [25] Used interchangeably with Batir, meaning valiant, gallant; as attributes of a skilled and fearless champion tested in battle or contest. See Clauson, ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY OF PRE-THIRTEENTH CENTURY TURKISH (Oxford, 1972), p. 127.

    [26] Abubekir Divaoglu, CHORA BATIR (Tashkent, 1895).

    [27] See my ALPAMYSH.

    [28] Among others, Radloff was such an Orientalist who served as Inspector of Schools.

    [29] J. C. Hurewitz, DIPLOMACY IN THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST (Princeton, 1956).

    [30] A. Bennigsen, "The Crisis of the Turkic National Epics, 1951-1952: Local Nationalism or Internationalism" CANADIAN SLAVONIC PAPERS Vol. XVII, No. 2&3 (1975).

    [31] Bennigsen, ibid.

    [32] Bennigsen, ibid.

    [33] Wayne S. Vucinich (Ed.) RUSSIA IN ASIA (Stanford, 1972); L. Tillett, THE GREAT FRIENDSHIP: THE SOVIET HISTORIANS ON THE NON-RUSSIAN NATIONALITIES (Chapel Hill, 1969); C. E. Black (Ed.), REWRITING RUSSIAN HISTORY: SOVIET INTERPRETATIONS OF RUSSIA'S PAST (NY, 1956).

    [34] See my ALPAMYSH.

    [35] H. B. Paksoy, (Ed.) CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS (forthcoming) [PUBLISHED-- Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1992].

    [36] L. Branson, "How Kremlin Keeps Editors in Line" THE TIMES (London) 5 January 1986). See also MUHBIR.

    [37] John Soper, "Shake-up in the Uzbek Literary Elite" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY (Oxford) Vol. 1, No. 4 (1983).

    [38] H. B. Paksoy, "Central Asia's New Dastans" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY Vol. 6, No. 1 (1986). [1987]

    [39] "V tsene li'chernye glaza" KOMSOMOL'SKAIA PRAVDA, December 5, 1984.

    [40] See note 27; also H. B. Paksoy, "The Deceivers" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY Vol. 3, No. 1, 1984.

    [41] "Uc Tarz-i Siyaset" (Ankara, 1976) [For an English translation, see CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS, op. cit].

    [42] See note 4.

    [43] Introduction to ALPAMYSH (Tashkent, 1939).

    [44] "Kuyas ham Alav" GULISTAN No. 9, 1980. [for an English translation, see CENTRAL ASIAN MONUMENTS, op. cit].

    [45] See note 38.

    [46] KAZAK EDEBIYATI, No. 30, 1982. See also C. F. Carlson and H. Oraltay, "Kul Tegin: Advice on the Future?" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY, vol. 2, No. 2, 1983; N. Shahrani, "From Tribe to Umma: Comments on the Dynamics of Identity in Muslim Soviet Central Asia" CENTRAL ASIAN SURVEY, Vol. 3, No. 3, 1984.

    [47] E. J. Lazzerini, "Ismail Bey Gasprinskii and Muslim Modernism in Russia, 1878-1914" (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, U of Washington, 1973).

    [48] E. J. Lazzerini, "Gadidism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: A View from Within" CAHIERS DU MONDE RUSSE ET SOVIETIQUE, No. 16, 1975.

    [49] A. Bennigsen and C. Lemercier-Quelquejay, LA PRESSE ET LE MOUVEMENT NATIONAL CHEZ LES MUSELMANS DE RUSSE AVANT 1920 (The Hague, 1964).

    [50] A. Bennigsen and C. Lemercier-Quelquejay, ISLAM IN THE SOVIET UNION (London, 1967).

    [51] Kirimli Cafer Seydiahmet, GASPIRALI ISMAIL BEY (Istanbul, n.d [1934]).




    Chora Batır [1895] [10.9MB]

    Chora Batır [1896] [845 KB]

    Chora Batır [1935] [4.8 MB]

    Chora Batır [1939] [4.6 MB]

    Chora Batır [1984] [2.0 MB]

    Chora Batır [1985] [2.6 MB]
     
  5. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
    ‏7 سپتامبر 2004
    نوشته ها:
    10,985
    تشکر شده:
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    محل سکونت:
    Tehran
    Dede Korkut



    "Menim hikmetlerim dana (bilgin) isitsin Sozumu destan kilib maksadina yetsin."
    Orta Asya'nin Yese sehrinde, bugunku Kazakistan'da yasamis ve gomulu olan Ahmet Yesevi'nin (olumu (M.S. 1167) Hikmet adli kitabinda[2] yukarda yazili oldugu gibi yer alan bu beyit, Turk destan turu'nun gucunu gostermesi bakimindan onemlidir. Buyuk unlu dusunur Yesevi'nin, oz dunya gorusunu ogrencilerine aktarmaya calisirken, destanlari kendi hikmetlerinden daha guclu ve ustun saydigini anlatir.

    Destanlar Turklerin dusunce, kimlik ve yaraticiliginin en onemli temel taslarindan biridir. Bununla birlikte, destan sozcugunun tanim olarak Turkce'ye odunc alinmasi, Turklerce bu kendini dunya'ya anlatim ve gelecek kusaklara ogut turunun ilk yaratildigi yuzyillardan cok sonra yer alan bir olaydir. M. S. 732 yillarinda dikilen Kultekin anitlari bu kendini anlatim turunun ilk orneklerinden biri olup, bu anit'i diktiren Bilge Kagan, anit'in uzerindeki yazitlarda kendini tanittiktan sonra, tanik olduran ve Ortadogunun bir bolumunu icine alan) slamiyeti kabul ettikten sonra, Iranlilari hakimiyetleri altina almislardi. Bu olay, Iranlilarin kendi dil, kultur ve benliklerini buyuk ocude kaybetmeye baslamalarina sebep olmustur. Iranlilarin bir toplum olarak ortadan kalkmasi anlamina gelecek olan bu tehlike'yi zamaninda goren Fars sair'i Firdevsi, eski Iran destanlarini toplayarak (Turk Gazneli devleti icinde otuz yil sure ile calisarak) manzum Sahname'yi yazmistir. Onsozune de "Sahname'yi Farsca yazip, Iranli'yi dirilttim" diye kayit koyup, hakli olarak boburlenmistir. Sahname'de Iranlilarin bas dusmani olarak gosterilenlerden biri Afrasiyab olarak adlandirilmis olup, Kasgarli Mahmut'a gore (M. S. 8ci yuzyilda dikilmis, yukarida adini verdigimiz) Turk anitlarinda adi gecen Turk Alp Er Tunga'dan baskasi degildir. Boylelikle, Kasgarli Mahmut da, 11ci yuzyilda Turk destanlarinin onemine deginmistir. Bu tarihler sonrasinda (Yesevi Hikmet kitabini yazdigi siralarda) Turk sav ve jir'larina, destan da denilmeye baslanmistir.

    Turk'un "kendini anlatim ve gelecek kusaklara ogut turu" uzerine Bati Turkleri tarafindan yapilmaya baslanan calismalar ise, cok yenidir. Ziya Gokalp ve calisma arkadaslari bir sure bu konu'ya egilmislerdir.[10] Turk destanlarinin bilimsel olarak incelenmesi yolunda ilk adimlari atanlardan biri ise Prof. Zeki Velidi Togan olup, 1931 yilinda Atsiz Mecmua'da yayinlanan dort makalesinde yazdigina gore:

    Milli destanlar, tarihi vakalari tasvirden ziyade, milletin yuksek milli duygularinin yansitan, tamami veyahut az cok tarihe mustenit bir ideal alemi gosteren halk edebiyat eserlerinden ibarettir. Milli destanin meydana gelmesi icin uc merhale gerekir: 1. Destani ruhlu bir milletin cesitli devirlerindeki macerali hayatini halk sairleri ufak parcalar halinde soylerler; 2. Milletin butununu ilgilendiren bir olay, bu cesitli destan parcalarini bir odak noktasi etrafinda toplar; 3. Sonunda, millete buyuk bir medeni hareket olur ve o sirada cikan aydin bir halk sairi, bu parcalari toplayarak milli destani yaratir. (Fars, Yunan ve Fin destanlari boyle meydana gelmistir).

    Prof. Togan'a gore, Turkler, ikinci devri birkac kere gecirmislerdir.

    Butun Turk milletinin mefkuresini ve dusuncelerini bir yere toplayan destanlar butun Turk milletini birlestiren Oguz ve Cengiz vekayi gibi hadiseler dolayisi ile husule gelmis fakat ucuncu devre'ye girmeyip buyuk bir halk sair'i tarafindan tesbit edilerek muntazam milli destan seklini alamamis ve uful edip gitmistir. Bizde bu buyuk destanlarin ancak enkazi vardir.[11]

    Nihal Atsiz'in 1951 yilinda yazdigina gore de:

    Togan, Danismend Gazi ve Seyid Battal Gazi hikayelerini, konularini Anadolu'daki slam-Bizans carpismalari sirasinda Emevi ve bilhassa Abbasi ordularindaki Turk unsurlari arasinda dogmus olacagi dusuncesini ileri surmustur.[12]

    Arap ordularinin (Iran'dan sonra) Orta Asya ya girmelerinden sonra, yeni bir Arap edebiyati tur'u de ortaya cikmistir. Dini sahsiyetlerin meziyetleri ve din ugruna yaptiklari futuhatlari oven bu tur'e "menkibe" adi verilmistir. Sav ve jir'lardan tam anlami ile ayri olan bu menkibeler'in konulari dini dir. Kahramanlari cogunlukla Arap'tir. Menkibelerde yapildigi anlatilan isler genellikle insan yetenekleri disindadir, ve onlara ancak Rufailer karisir. Cogunlukla masal gibi anlatilirlar. Anlasildigina gore, bu nitelikleri dolayisi ile Prof. Togan menkibe saydigi eserleri destan tanimi icine almamistir.

    Bu menkibe turunun bir baska dali da, bir bolum Turkler Muslumanligi kabul ettikten sonra "gazavat" adi altinda gorulmektedir. Dolayisi ile, Sav ve jir'lardan gelen, kocaklama ve kopuzlama olarak adlandirilan Turk destanlari ile digerlerini, ozellikle menkibe ve gazavatnamalari karistirmamak gerekir.

    Onasya'ya 11ci yuzyil icinde yerlesen Turkler, "Kocaklamalar" yazmaya baslamislardi. Bugun bildigimiz Koroglu da bu kocaklama turunde ve duzenindedir.[13] Bu kocaklamalarin, Togan'in da belirttigi gibi, birinci basamakta kaldigi goruluyor. Dede Korkut'un icinde anlatilan olaylarin, kagida cekildikleri yuzyillardan cok once'ye gittigini, ve Dede Korkut'un Asya'nin Dogusundan Bati'ya gelen Turklerce getirildigini biliyoruz.[14] Bunun gibi, Koroglu'nun daha once (ve baska ad ile) var olup olmadigi bugun'e kadar koklu olarak arastirilmamistir.

    "Ana Bagimsizlik Destanlari," yeni destanlarin yaratilmasina da yardimci olurlar. Cocuklar, ozanlarin soyledigi destanlari okuyarak, dinleyerek buyurler. Birkac kusak sonra, uruglarina yeni bir yagi satasir. Delikanlilar arasinda destanlarda adi gecen alp'in yerini alacak olanlar cikar. Kavga'yi, vurus'u, destanlarda sozu gecen degerler yoluna, ancak gunun gerekleri ve yollari ile yaparlar. Ozanlar ve tarihciler de, bu yeni alp'i kutlamak icin yeni destan yazarlarken, eski destanlardan parcalari da yeni destan'a katarlar. Boylece, yeni alp'in eski topraktan geldigini gosterirler.

    Sozunu ettigimiz "Ana Destanlar," "kurtulus ve bagimsizlik destanlari"dir. Bir urug, boy, oymak ya da "el" in kendine satasan yagi'yi altedip bagimsizligini korumasinin dile getirir. Destan yaraticilari, durup dururken komsularina el kaldirmazlar, ama, gerektiginde kendilerini korumasini bilirler.

    Bu "el," urug ve oymak'larin mutlu gunleri de vardir. Evlenme toylarinda, bagimsizlik destanlarina ek olarak, uzun Yar-Yar lar da soylenir. Aradan bir kusak gectikten sonra, bu Yar-Yar lar kendi baslarina bir destan gorunumunu de alabilirler. Bir sure sonra, bu Yar-Yar lar kisaltilarak bebeklere, kucuk cocuklara da anlatilir ki, boylelikle masallar dogmus olur. Bunula birlikte, "kurtulus destanlari" olmez. "Ana destan" olarak yasar, yasatilirlar. Yaraticilari ile birlikte yolculuk ederler, yeni ellere vardiklarinda da yeni yer adlari bu eski destanlara girebilir. Destanlar, icinden ciktiklari toplumun en karanlik gunlerinde bile yureklerde yatan umitleri dile getirirler:


    Bana imkan verin, serkes hayaller Babam heykelini dikti yadima Ta ki aciz kalsin yillar, simaller O'nu cikarmasin imanimdan
    Bana imkan verin, serkes hayaller Bagislayin Babama nurlu bir destan Ta ki aciz kalsin yillar, simaller O'nu unutmaya kalmasin imkan[15]


    Turk destanlari uzerinde Prof. Togan'dan once calisanlar arasinda, Rus carligi memurlarindan olan, Alman dogumlu ve doktorasini Almanya'da tamamlamis olan Wilhelm Radloff da vardir. Radloff 19cu yuzyil'in ikinci yarisinda Kazan sehrinden baslayarak Orta Asya'yi dolasmis ve Turk destanlarinin ancak parcalarini ciltler halinde St. Petersburg'da bastirmistir.[16] O yillarda yururlukte olan Rus kanunlari geregince, destanlarin buyuk bir bolumlerini kitabina almadigini bugun yaptigimiz arastirmalar sonucunda biliyoruz.[17] Abubekir Diveyef[18], Gazi Alim[19], Hamid Alimcan,[20] N. Katanov (1862-1922)[21] gibi konu'ya egilen yerli aydinlar, Radloff'un tersine, kendi canlarini hic'e sayarak Turk destanlarini kagida aktarmis ve bastirmayi basarmislardir.[22]
    Yukarida da belirtildigi gibi, destanlar yanliz atalar sozlerini gunumuze aktarmakla kalmazlar. Destanlar, yaraticilarinin oz degerlerini, benliklerini de dunya'ya tanitirlar. Bu yol'dan, uluslararasi iliskilere buyuk olcude katkida bulunurlar. Destanlar, sahiplerinin mayasini korur, bozulmasini onler, ilerde bu maya'nin arilastirilabilmesi icin saklarlar.

    Bu yonde Dede Korkut ile ilgili ilk calismalarin ve Dede Korkut'un diger dillere yapilan cevirilerinin dokumu ayrica yayinlanmistir.[23] Ek olarak, son on yil icinde Azerbaycan'da Dede Korkut mayasini saklamak ile ilgili calismalarin artmakta oldugu da gorulmektedir. Bunlarin arasinda ilk gozume carpanlar'i asagiya dokuyorum: T. I. Hajiyev and K. N. Veliyev Azarbaycan dili tarihi: Ocherklar va materiallar (Baku: Maarif, 1983); Azerbaycan Ilimler Akademiyasi, Filologiya Institutu, Azarbaycan filologiya masalalari No. II Dede Korkut (Baku, 1984); Kemal Abdullaev, "Dede Gorkut Siirleri" Azerbaycan 1980, No. 7; Azamat Rustamov, "Dada Gorkut'la bagli yer adlari" Alm va Hayat, 1987, No. 9; Mirali Sayidov, "Dada Gorgut gahramanlaryning kokunu dusunurken" Alm va Hayat, 1987, No. 10; Penah Halilov, "Kitabi-Dede Gorgud'un cografiyasi" Alm va Hayat, 1988, No. 8; Kemal Veliyev, "Bir daha Dada Gorgut Siirleri hakkinda" Azarbaycan, 1981, No. 11; Bekir Nabiyev, "Epik zhanr va muasir hayat" Azarbaycan, 1986, No. 7; Akif Huseyinov, "Nasrimiz va kecmisimiz" Azarbaycan, 1982, No. 10; "Mevzumuz: Tarihimiz, abidalarimiz, darsliklerimiz" Azarbaycan, 1988-1989. [Zemfira Verdiyeva, Arif Hajiyev].

    Molla Nasreddin dergisinin yayinlanmaya baslayacagi agizdan kulaga fisildanip duyulunca, bir mustakbel okuyucu, Molla Nasreddin dergisinin kurucusu Celil Memmedkuluzade'ye bir kutlama mektubu ve yayinlanmasi dilegi ile siirler gonderir. Molla Nasreddin dergisinin 7 Nisan 1906 gunlu ilk sayisinda da, Celil Memmedkuluzade, karsilik yayinlayarak tesekkur eder: "yolladiklarinizi bir evvelki sayimizda yayinlamak isterdik.[24]

    Celil Memmedkuluzade gibi, biz de belirtelim: Butun bunlari bir onceki toplantida soylemek isterdik.

    Memmedkuluzade'nin de demek istedigi gibi, siz yazmadikca, soylemedikce, dunya ilgi gosteremez.

    KAYNAKLAR:


    1. Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti Kultur Bakanliginca, International Research and Exchanges Board katilimi ile duzenlenip, Baku'daki Akhundov Devlet Kutuphanesinde Haziran 1992 yer alan "ABD'de Azerbaycan ile Ilgili Bilimsel Calismalar" toplantisinda okunan bildiri'dir.

    2. Ahmet Yesevi, Hikmet (Istanbul, 1299).

    3. Necib Asim, Orhon Abideleri (Istanbul, 1341/1925); H. N. Orkun, Eski Turk Yazitlari (Istanbul, 1936-1941) 4 cilt. Diger dillere cevirileri ve incelemeleri icin, bak T. Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkic (Bloomington, 1968). Indiana University Uralic and Altaic Series, Volume 69.

    4. Kasgarli Mahmut, Diwan Lugat at-Turk (DLT). Kasgarli Mahmut'un yasami ile ilgili bir arastirma icin, bak: Kahar Barat, "Discovery of History: The Burial Site of Kashgarli Mahmut" AACAR BULLETIN (of the Association for the Advancement of Central Asian Research) Vol. II, No. 3 (Fall 1989). Cf. H. B. Paksoy, Editor, Central Asia Reader: The Rediscovery of History (New York/London: M. E. Sharpe, 1994) DLT un bilinen tek el yazmasi Istanbul Millet Kutuphanesi (Ali Emiri, Arabi), No. 4189 da kayitlidir. Diwan Lugat at-Turk'un ilk kez 1917 yilinda Istanbul'da bulunmasi ve ilgili olaylar icin, bak M. Sakir Ulkutasir, Kasgarli Mahmut (Istanbul, 1946). DLT un ilk basim'i Istanbul'da, 1917-1919 yillari arasinda Kilisli Rifat [Bilge] tarafindan yapilmistir. Ilk Turkce cevirisi: B. Atalay, Divanu Lugat-it-Turk (Ankara, 1939-1941). Ilk Ingilizce cevirisi: R. Dankoff with J. Kelly, Compendium of Turkic Dialects (Cambridge: Mass, 1982-1985).

    5. H. B. Paksoy, ALPAMSH: Central Asian Identity under Russian Rule (Hartford: Connecticut, 1989). Association for the Advancement of Central Asian Research Monograph Series.
    URL http://www.ukans.edu/~ibetext/texts/paksoy-1/

    6. Z. V. Togan Oguz Destani: Resideddin Oguznamesi, Tercume ve Tahlili (Istanbul, 1972).

    7. F. Sumer, "Oguzlara Ait Destani Mahiyetde Eserler" Ankara Universitesi DTC Fakultesi Dergisi 1959; a.g.y., Oguzlar/Turkmenler (Istanbul, 1980).

    8. H. B. Paksoy, "Alpamys zhene Bamsi Beyrek: Eki at bir dastan" Kazak Adebiyati (Alma-Ata) No. 41, 10 Ekim 1986. Fadli Aliyev tarafindan, Ankara'da yayinlanan Turk Dili No. 403, (1985) den aktarilmistir.

    9. Paksoy, ALPAMYSH.

    10. Ziya Gokalp, Turkculugun Esaslari (stanbul, 1968).

    11. Z. V. Togan, "Turk Milli Dastaninin Tasnifi" Atsiz Mecmua, Mayis, Haziran, Temmuz, Eylul, 1931.

    12. Nihal Atsiz, Turk Tarihinde Meseleler (Istanbul, 1975). Sayfa 157.

    13. Yayinlinmislar arasinda, bak: Koroglu. Yayina hazirlayan, M. H. Tahmasib (Baku, 1975); Koroglu Antep Rivayeti. Y. H. Huseyin Bayaz (Istanbul, 1981); Pertev Naili, Koroglu Destani. (Istanbul, 1931); Koroglu ve Dadaloglu. Y. H. Cahit Oztelli (Ankara, 1962); P. Kichigulov, Koroglu Hakkinda Sohbet. (Ashkabad, 1978); a. g. y. Koroglu Eposunin Poetikasi Hakkinda. (Askhabad, 1984).

    14. Bu konu'da calisma yapanlarin arasinda, bak: Memmed Dadaszade, "Dede Korkut destanlarida Azerbaycan etnografiyasina dair bazi malumatlar" Azeraycanin Etnografik Mecmuasi (Baku) No. 3, 1977. Ingilizcesi icin, bak: Soviet Anthropology and Archeology (New York) Vol. 29, No. 1 (Summer 1990).

    15. Sakir Cumaniyaz, Muhbir (Taskent) Kasim, 1982.

    16. W. Radloff, Proben der volkslitteratur der Turkischen stamme sud sibiriens (St. Petersburg, 1866- 1907) 18 cilt. On cild'i Turk agizlarinda, geri kalanlar Almanca ve Rusca cevirileridir.

    17. H. B. Paksoy, "Cora Batir: A Tatar Admonition to Future Generations" Studies in Comparative Communism Vol. XIX, Nos. 3&4 Autumn/Winter 1986; L. Branson, "How Kremlin Keeps Editors in Line" The Times (London) 5 January 1986) P. 1; Martin Dewhurst and Robert Farrell, The Soviet Censorship (Metuchen, New Jersey, 1973); M. T. Choldin, A Fence Around the Empire: Censorship of Western Ideas under the Tsars (Durham, 1985); B. Daniel, Censorship in Russia (Washington, 1979).

    18. A. A. Divayef, Alpamis Batir (Taskent, 1901).

    19. Gazi Alim "Alpamis Destani" Bilim Ocagi (Taskent) No. 2-3, 18 Mayis 1923.

    20. Hamid Alimcan, Alpamis destani (Taskent, 1939). Latin harfleri ile.

    21. Z. V. Togan'in Hatiralar (Istanbul, 1969) kitabinda yazdigina gore, N. Katanov Altay yoresinden baptiz edilmis bir Sagay Turk'u idi. Ek olarak, bak: S. N. Ivanov, Nikolai Federovic Katanov (Moskova, 1973).

    22. H. B. Paksoy, Alpamysh.

    23. H. B. Paksoy, "Introduction to the Dastan Dede Korkut" Soviet Anthropology & Archeology (New York) Vol. 29, No. 1 (Summer, 1990). Cf. Central Asia Reader.

    24. Molla Nasreddin (Tiflis) Sayi 1, 7 Nisan 1906. Yeni baski (Baku, 1988). Bak, H. B. Paksoy, "Elements of Humor in Central Asia: The Example of the journal Molla Nasreddin in Azarbaijan." Turkestan als historischer Faktor und politische Idee. Prof. Dr. Erling von Mende (Ed.) (Koln: Studienverlag, 1988). Ek olarak bak: Aziz Mirahmedov, Azerbaycan Molla Nasreddin'i (Baku, 1980); Gulam Memmedli, Molla Nasreddin (Baku, 1984); Mirza Elekber Sabir, Hophopname (yayina hazirlayan) Memed Memedov (Baku, 1980); Ali Nazmi, Secilmis eserleri (yayina hazirlayan) Firidun Huseyionov (Baku, 1979).
     
  6. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
    ‏7 سپتامبر 2004
    نوشته ها:
    10,985
    تشکر شده:
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    محل سکونت:
    Tehran
    H. B. Paksoy, D. Phil.



    "Introduction to DEDE KORKUT" (As Co-Editor) SOVIET

    ANTHROPOLOGY AND ARCHEOLOGY Vol. 29, No. 1. Summer 1990.



    and



    "M. Dadashzade on the Ethnographic Information Concerning

    Azerbaijan Contained in the DEDE KORKUT dastan." SOVIET

    ANTHROPOLOGY AND ARCHEOLOGY Vol. 29, No. 1. Summer 1990.



    [Reprinted in

    H. B. Paksoy, Ed. CENTRAL ASIA READER: The Rediscovery

    of History (New York/London: M. E. Sharpe, 1994) 201 Pp. +

    Index. ISBN 1-56324-201-X (Hardcover); ISBN 1-56324-

    202-8 (pbk.) LC CIP DK857.C45 1993 958-dc20]





    Memmed Dadashzade



    Ethnographic Information Concerning Azerbaijan

    Contained in the Dede Korkut Dastan





    Editor's Introduction



    Dede Korkut, one of the historical treasures of a large

    portion of Central Asia, is a dastan, ``the principal

    repository of ethnic identity, history, customs and the value

    systems of its owners and composers.... It commemorates ...

    struggles for freedom.''1 Dede Korkut has been rendered into

    a number of languages over the last two centuries, since it

    caught the attention of H.F. Von Diez, who published a partial

    German translation in 1815, based on a manuscript found in the

    Royal Library of Dresden. The only other manuscript of Dede

    Korkut was discovered in 1950 by Ettore Rossi in the Vatican

    library. Until Dede Korkut was transcribed on paper, the

    events depicted therein survived in the oral tradition, at

    least from the ninth and tenth centuries.2 The ``Bamsi Beyrek''

    chapter of Dede Korkut preserves almost verbatim the immensely

    popular Central Asian dastan Alpamysh, dating from even an

    earlier time.3

    Editio princeps of Dede Korkut was made by Kilisli Rifat

    [Bilge] in 1916 in Istanbul, which was followed by that of

    Orhan Saik Gokyay (Istanbul, 1938). The first full-text,

    ``Baku Edition'' of Dede Korkut was made by H. Arasli in 1939

    (reprinted in 1962 with an annotated introduction and again in

    1977). V.V. Bartold's Kniga moego dede Korkuta, on which he

    probably began work in the 1890s, was posthumously issued in

    1950.4 M. Fahrettin Kirzioglu's Dede Korkut Oguznameleri

    appeared in Istanbul in 1952; Ettore Rossi's Kitab-i Dede

    Qorqut was published in Italian in the same year, followed by

    Joachim Hein's 1958 German edition. After Muharrem Ergin's

    Dede Korkut Kitabi,5 there came two English versions, the first

    of which was a collaborative effort among three well-known

    scholars,6 and the second, a highly readable Book of Dede

    Korkut by Geoffrey L. Lewis.7 In 1978 a Persian edition became

    available in Tabriz.8 A Serbo-Croatian rendition, Knijka Dede

    Korkuta was published in 1983 by Slavoljub Djindjich, who also

    reported the ongoing work on a Czech translation.9 A Lithuanian

    edition was evidently issued in Vilnius in 1978 under the

    title Dede Korkudo sakmes.10

    Dede Korkut is shared by a large assortment of Turkic groups,

    including, but not limited to, the Oghuz/Turkmen11

    confederations, whose origins are easily traceable to pre-

    Islamic times, and their numerous current-day descendants,

    also encompassing the Azerbaijan population. Oghuz literati of

    the middle ages also composed numerous genealogies, many of

    which were edited by a seventeenth-century ruler of the

    Turkmen who collected them into two separate volumes. Since

    the early eighteenth century, these have been translated into

    French, English, and Russian.12 These genealogies are quite

    apart from the dastan genre, and constitute yet another series

    of reference markers on the identity map. Moreover, there is

    another dastan connected with the Oghuz, named for the

    eponymous Oghuz Khan.13

    Memmed Dadashzade is an ethnographer-folklorist at the

    Institute of History, Academy of Sciences, Baku, whose work on

    the significance of dastans is pathbreaking. His

    ``Ethnographic Information Concerning Azerbaijan Contained in

    the Dede Korkut Dastan,'' originally written in Azerbaijan

    Turk, is a fine sample of the ongoing efforts by Azerbaijan

    authors to reclaim their historical and cultural heritage. The

    latest round of those efforts commenced almost ten years

    before the ``openness'' and ``restructuring'' campaigns of

    Gorbachev.14 Many a topic is broached here for the first time

    since the previous generation of Turk scholars and literati

    (who raised the same issues) were lost to the Stalinist

    ``liquidations''15 or to the ``ideological assault'' waged on

    all dastans in 1950-52.16 After the publication of Dadashzade's

    article in 1977, a series of similar works appeared in various

    periodicals and volumes that were clearly intended for the

    Azerbaijan audience.17 The tentativeness, careful wording, and

    particular formulation of some arguments found in the

    Dadashzade paper are directly attributable to the constraints

    that were prevailing at the time18 and made this study a work

    of courage.

    Despite the interest of the Azerbaijan intellectual

    community, Dede Korkut was not widely available to the

    population of Azerbaijan. As Professor Zemfira Verdiyava

    observed in 1988: ``Beowulf is always waiting for its

    purchasers in the shops of England. And in which shops have we

    seen our own Dede Korkut?''19 That year, a full version of

    Kitabi Dede Korkut was reissued in Azerbaijan Turk,20 with an

    up-to-date bibliography and the following prehistory: ``Sent

    for publication on July 11, 1985. Permission for printing

    received February 2, 1988.''



    Notes



    1. See H. B. Paksoy, Alpamysh: Central Asian Identity under

    Russian Rule (Hartford, CT: Association for the Advancement of

    Central Asian Research, Monograph Series, 1989), p. 1.



    2. These manuscripts were evidently copied during the

    sixteenth century from separate originals, for they exhibit

    variations. See the introduction by Geoffrey L. Lewis to his

    translation of The Book of Dede Korkut (London, 1974, 1982).



    3. See H.B. Paksoy, ``Alpamysh zhene Bamsi Beyrek: Eki At,

    Bir Dastan'' [Alpamysh and Bamsi Beyrek: Two Names, One

    Dastan], Kazak Edebiyati (Alma-Ata), no. 41, 10 October 1986

    (rendered into Kazak by Fadli Aliev from Turk Dili, no. 403,

    1985). The discussion pertaining to the dating of dastan

    Alpamysh boiled over during the ``Trial of Alpamysh'' of 1952-

    56, when all dastans of Central Asia were officially condemned

    by the Soviet state apparatus. According to Borovkov, Hadi

    Zarif and Zhirmunskii, as well as earlier writings by Bartold,

    the dastan Alpamysh ``existed probably in the foothills of the

    Altai as early as the sixth-eighth centuries at the time of

    the Turk Kaghanate.'' For details, see H. B. Paksoy, Alpamysh,

    p. 53.



    4. Published by the USSR Academy of Sciences (1950, 1962).

    Descendant of a German family settled in the Russian empire,

    the celebrated historian Bartold (1869-1930) reportedly worked

    on this translation from the 1890s, completing the work in the

    late 1920s. Since Bartold had run afoul of the Bolshevik

    notions of history and was banished, publication had to await

    his ``rehabilitation'' by the Soviet authorities.



    5. Published in two volumes (Ankara, 1958, 1963).



    6. Dede Korkut, tr. Faruk Sumer, Ahmet Edip Uysal and Warren

    S. Walker (Austin, 1972).



    7. See the introduction by Geoffrey L. Lewis to his

    translation of The Book of Dede Korkut.



    8. See E. Seferli and H. Yusifov, Gadim ve Orta Asirlar

    Azerbaijan Edebiyati [Ancient and Middle Ages Azerbaijan

    Literature] (Baku, 1982). Introduction. This is a ``textbook

    for university students.''



    9. Djindjich's translation was published in Belgrade in 1981.

    On the Czech translation see Hamdi Hasan, ``Kitaplar,'' Turk

    Dili, Mayis, 1983.



    10. Cited in the bibliography in Kitabi Dede Korkut (Baku,

    1988).



    11. On the Oghuz, see Faruk Sumer, Oguzlar (Turkmenler),

    Expanded Third Edition, 688 pp. (Istanbul, 1980); O. Pritsak,

    ``The Decline of the Empire of the Oghuz Yabgu,'' The Annals

    of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, II

    (1952); Z.V. Togan, Turkili Turkistan, 2d ed. (Istanbul,

    1981); V.V. Barthold, Four Studies on the History of Central

    Asia: A History of the Turkman People, Vol. III (Leiden,

    1962); Kashgarli Mahmut's DLT contains contemporary

    information on the Oghuz, also making the identification that

    the Oghuz and the Turkmen are one and the same group.

    Moreover, C.E. Bosworth, in his The Ghaznavids, 2d ed.

    (Beirut, 1973), provides details of the Oghuz/Turkmen activity

    in the tenth-eleventh centuries. Additional information on the

    Oghuz are found in the works cited by Sumer and Bosworth.



    12. Abul-Ghazi Bahadur Khan (1603-1663), ruler of Khiva, was

    asked by his Turkmen subjects to compile the authoritative

    genealogy of their common lineage from many extant variants at

    the time. He prepared two, under the titles Secere-i Terakime

    (probably completed in 1659) and Secere-i Turk. According to

    Y. Bregel, in his introduction to the facsimile of Munis and

    Agahi's Firdaws al-Ikbal: History of Khorezm (Leiden, 1988),

    the latter was completed c. 1665 by another person. Secere-i

    Turk is rather difficult to locate, making a determination of

    the sources for the translated works tenuous. This is

    especially true with respect to the early French and English

    translations: [Bentinck], Histoire Genealogique des Tatars, 2

    vols. (Leiden, 1726); and Abu Al Ghazi Bahadur, A History of

    the Turks, Moguls, and Tatars, Vulgarly called Tartars,

    Together with a Description of the Countries They Inhabit, 2

    vols. (London, 1730); [Miles], Genealogical Tree of the Turks

    and Tatars (London, 1838). The Imperial Russian Academy at

    St. Petersburg published a facsimile of Terakime in 1871,

    edited by Desmaisons, who later prepared a French translation.

    A modern-day translation is long overdue. See H. F. Hofman

    Turkish Literature: A Bio-Bibliographical Survey (Utrecht,

    1969) for additional comments. See also Turk Seceresi, ed. R.

    Nur (Istanbul, 1343/1925). One of the earlier Russian

    translations prepared is Rodoslovnoe drevo tiurkov, (Kazan,

    1906), with an afterword by N. Katanov (1862-1922). Apparently

    this 1906 version was not published until 1914, minus

    Katanov's name from the title page and his afterword from the

    body of the book. See A.N. Kononov, Rodoslovnaia Turkmen

    (Moscow-Leningrad, 1958), p. 181. In order to understand the

    reason, one must turn to Z.V. Togan's memoirs, Hatiralar

    (Istanbul, 1969), where Togan relates an incident (which took

    place prior to 1917) when Katanov poured his heart to Togan.



    13. Z. V. Togan compiled his version, Oguz Destani:

    Residettin Oguznamesi, Tercume ve Tahlili (Istanbul, 1972)

    (published posthumously), from twelve manuscripts. Though

    originally composed and later put down on paper in a Turk

    dialect prior to the thirteenth century, it was widely

    rendered into Persian. Known translations include Oughouz-

    name, epopee turque, tr. Riza Nur (Alexandria: Societe des

    publications Egyptienne, 1928); Die Legende von Oghuz Qaghan,

    eds. W. Bang and R. Arat (Berlin: Phil.-Histr. K1. XXV, Sitzb.

    d. Preuss. Akad. D. Wiss., 1932). To my knowledge, there is no

    English rendition as yet. See also Denis Sinor, ``Oguz Kagan

    Destani Uzerine Bazi Mulahazalar,'' Turk Dili ve Edebiyati

    Dergisi (tr. from French by A. Ates, 1952); Faruk Sumer's

    book-length article, ``Oguzlar'a Ait Destani Mahiyetde

    Eserler,'' Ankara Universitesi DTC Fakultesi Dergisi (1959);

    and the introduction by Geoffrey L. Lewis to his translation

    of The Book of Dede Korkut.



    14. See examples cited by Audrey L. Altstadt, ``Issues in

    National Identity in Soviet Azerbaijan'' (The New Hampshire

    International Seminar, Center for International Perspectives,

    University of New Hampshire, April 7, 1989); idem, The

    Azerbaijani Turks: Power and Identity under Russian Rule

    (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1992) Studies of

    Nationalities series, pp. 188-91, 208-10.



    15. See Altstadt, The Azerbaijani Turks, especially pp. 112,

    122-25, 131-50, for a listing of the scholars and literati

    liquidated during the ``great terror'' and the particular

    methods used for the purpose.



    16. See Alexandre Bennigsen, ``The Crisis of the Turkic

    National Epics, 1951-1952: Local Nationalism or

    Internationalism?'' Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. 17 (1975).



    17. The following constitutes a partial list: T.I. Hajiyev

    and K.N. Veliyev Azarbaijan dili tarikhi: Ocherklar va

    materiallar [History of the Azerbaijan Language] (Baku:

    Maarif, 1983). Fully 130 of the 180 pages in this college-

    level textbook are devoted to the discussion of oral

    literature and the literature of the thirteenth-seventeenth

    centuries, including Dede Korkut; Azarbaijan filologiya

    masalalari [Matters of Azerbaijan Philology], II (Baku:

    Institute of Philology, Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences, 1984)

    contains papers dedicated to Dede Korkut. Periodic journals

    began providing space to the debate as well: Azamat Rustamov,

    ``Dada Gorkut'la bagli yer adlari'' [Place Names Connected

    with Dede Korkut], Alm va Hayat, 1987, no. 9; Mirali Sayidov,

    ``Dada Gorgut gahramanlaryning kokunu dusunurken'' [Thinking

    About the Origins of the Dede Korkut Heroes] Alm va Hayat,

    1987, no. 10; Penah Halilov, ``Kitabi Dede Gorgud'un

    jografiyasi'' [Geography of Dede Korkut], Alm va Hayat, 1988,

    no. 8; Kemal Veliyev, ``Bir daha Dada Gorgut Seirlari

    hakkinda'' [Once Again on the Poems of the Dede Korkut],

    Azarbaijan, 1981, no. 11; Bakir Nabiyev, ``Epik zhanr va

    muasir hayat'' [Epic Genre and Contemporary Life], Azarbaijan,

    1986, no. 7; Akif Huseyinov, ``Nasrimiz va kechmishimiz'' [Our

    Prose and Our Past], Azarbaijan, 1982, no. 10; [Round Table]

    ``Mevzumuz: Tarihimiz, abidalarimiz, darsliklerimiz'' [Our

    Topic: Our History, Monuments, and Textbooks], Azarbaijan,

    1988-89; this series included discussion of Dede Korkut by

    contributors including Zemfira Verdiyeva (Doctor of Philology,

    Professor) and Arif Hajiyev (Doctor of Philology and

    Professor).



    18. See L. Branson, ``How Kremlin Keeps Editors in Line,''

    The Times, (London), January 5, 1986, p. 1; Martin Dewhurst

    and Robert Farrell, The Soviet Censorship (Metuchen, NJ,

    1973). Further, see Mariana Tax Choldin, A Fence Around the

    Empire: Censorship of Western Ideas under the Tsars (Durham:

    Duke University Press, 1985).



    19. Azerbaijan, 1988, no. 6. Cf. Altstadt, ``Issues in

    National Identity in Soviet Azerbaijan,'' p. 28. A Russian

    version appeared the same year, approved for publication in a

    record-breaking seven days: Dede Korkut (Baku, 1988). It was

    translated by Anar, a well known Azerbaijan author and poet

    who does not sign his family name: Resul Oglu Rizaev. A

    significant work that appeared not long afterward is Kamal

    Abdullayev, Gizli Dede Korkut [The Secret Dede Korkut] (Baku:

    Yazici, 1991).



    20. Kitabi Dede Korkut (Baku, 1988).







    ETHNOGRAPHIC INFORMATION CONCERNING AZERBAIJAN

    CONTAINED IN THE DEDE KORKUT DASTAN



    The Dede Korkut dastan, orally recited since the ninth-

    eleventh centuries, is the most precious written document of

    our mother tongue. It is a wealth of sources reflecting the

    true spiritual world, way of life, traditions, and customs of

    our people. From this perspective, the information contained

    in the Dede Korkut dastan is important to our learning about

    Azerbaijan's ethnography during the Middle Ages.

    The Dede Korkut epos is connected with the Oghuz tribes

    arriving in Azerbaijan. From the dastan we learn that the

    Oghuz reached Azerbaijan long before it was set down on paper.

    Turkish-speaking tribes, Khazars,a Kipchaks,b and Oghuz,

    beginning with the sixth-seventh centuries, settled within

    Azerbaijan, mixing and merging with the populations there.1

    Despite the Khaliphate's exempting the tribes from taxes and

    other tolls in the vicinity of Derbend,c and other efforts2 to

    stem the Turkish-speaking tribes, they continued to arrive in

    Azerbaijan. Especially during the ninth to eleventh centuries,

    large numbers of Oghuz reached Azerbaijan.3 Speaking of these

    Oghuz, the great poet of the eleventh century, Getran Tebrizi

    Emir Shamsaddin [1012-1088]d wrote:e



    These Turks arriving from Turkistan

    Accepted you as their ruler

    Separated from their relatives and relations

    Began living under your rule

    Now they are everywhere

    Prepared to serve you4

    It is an accepted fact that the Oghuz arriving in Azerbaijan

    in both the sixth-seventh and the ninth-eleventh centuries

    settled there and merged with the Azerbaijan populations.

    Academician W. W. Barthold, in his last work on Dede Korkut,

    stated: ``it is not possible to surmise that this dastan could

    have been written anywhere but in the Caucasus''5--the latest

    researcher confirming this commentary on the dastan Dede

    Korkut.

    Although it could be said that the dastan Dede Korkut

    reflects the history of the Turkmen, Azerbaijan, and Turkish

    peoples in literary form, and this work's language is close to

    that of other Turkish-speaking people, its vocabulary,

    phraseologic expressions, and grammatical structure is closer

    to Azerbaijan [Turkish] than the others.6

    In addition to the milieu and the language7 in which the

    dastans were created, expression characteristics, composition

    of vocabulary, and grammatic structure, this dastan reflects

    today's Azerbaijan people's lifestyle, customs, and

    traditions. These customs and traditions are connected with

    the name of the Oghuz who have arrived and settled in

    Azerbaijan over the centuries, intermixing with the existing

    tribes there.

    It is well known that, especially in the past, when different

    groups of people came into contact, they regarded each others'

    lifestyles, politics, and customs as worthy of emulation.

    Accordingly, each group, and later, tribes and neighboring

    peoples gradually learned each others' way of life. When

    neighboring tribes live in the same area over a prolonged

    period, mixing and merging with each other, they acquire an

    affinity for each others' customs. Consequently it is always

    the local [first-arrived] tribe that has superiority in the

    process of the resulting amalgamation. The arriving Oghuz, who

    melded with the Azerbaijan tribes, thus joined the existing

    way of life.

    The Book of Dede Korkut comprises twelve sections, or

    dastans, which reflect the details of tribal life. Because a

    person named Dede Korkut participates in the events of all

    twelve dastans, some critics regard him as the author of these

    dastans. However, since they are not the product of a single

    era8 they could not have been authored by one individual, but

    are the works of different ozans-ashiks [poet-bards]f of

    various eras.9

    In the dastans, Dede Korkut appears as the aksakal,g the

    advisor or sage, solving the difficulties faced by tribal

    members. Within the tribe, ``Let Dede Korkut name this boy.

    Dede Korkut arrived; `the name of your son ought to be Bogach.

    I hereby name him ... ,' he said.''10 In Azerbaijan dastans and

    recitations, there is a prominent tradition of aksakals, the

    elders, naming young men. Gurban, who gained fame as a

    sixteenth-century ashik poet, says: ``Then they wished to name

    the boy. A wise old man said: `I named the boy Gurbani,

    because I found this through a sacrifice.' ''11 Among the

    population, respected aksakals are wise and know how to solve

    problems; among ashiks they are generally called dede

    [grandfather]. In the past, this term designated respected

    tribal elders, and now is used within families; in many

    localities of Azerbaijan, it replaces ata [ancestor or

    father].

    The dastans reflect the life of the tribes occupied with

    animal husbandry, living in the northwest regions of

    Azerbaijan from Derbend to Tumanisi, around the mountain

    foothills; ``even in the summer, the snow and ice does not

    melt on the Kazilik mountain.''12 Among these tribes were also

    those who settled and engaged in farming. In the dastans we

    find:



    The buds of our mountains are large

    On those mountains, we have vineyards

    Those vineyards bear bunches of dark grapes

    When crushed, those grapes become scarlet wine

    Whoever partakes of that wine becomes intoxicated13

    .... .... .... .... ... 14

    I caused the dry rivers to be filled with water15

    The ornament of the vineyard and the orchard is water.16



    Although there are references to farming, viticulture, and

    orchards, identified with settled life, in the dastans, they

    occupy a small place; what is primarily reflected is the life

    connected with nomadic animal husbandry.

    These tribes live in kishlak [winter quarters] and yaylak

    [summer pastures]. The summer pastures were in the vicinity of

    Derbend.17 There the heroes receive as a reward ``The yaylaks

    on the opposite mountains.''18 Rewards of this sort were

    requested on behalf of those demonstrating their bravery:

    ``Give him a long-necked white horse19 to ride--he is talented.

    Let this boy have plenty20 of sheep from your white sheepfold,

    so he may grow up intelligent--he is virtuous. Give this boy

    a red camel from your herds,21 so he may transport loads--he is

    able.''22

    The principal wealth of these nomadic tribes comprised sheep,

    cattle, horses, and camels, which are discussed at length in

    the dastans:



    Ey mother, in a place where there are horses,

    Ought there not be a colt?23

    Where there are white sheep,

    Should there not be a single lamb?

    At a place where there are red camels,

    Would not a baby camel24 be found?25



    As noted above, there is much discussion pertaining to

    horses, cattle and red camels in the dastan Dede Korkut. It is

    sometimes surmised that, given the natural setting, they have

    not widely utilized camels for transportation in Azerbaijan.

    This may be incorrect, since from the sixth-fifth centuries

    B.C. until the first half of the twentieth century, camels

    were extensively used for transportation. The red camels

    encountered in Dede Korkut are also referenced in many written

    documents,26 recitations, and dastans. Ashik Abbas includes

    camels among the most desirable items to give his beloved:



    Almighty God, this is my wish

    Let me see my beloved live to be a hundred

    With increased wealth and success

    Sixty camels forming a train.27



    The primary means of transportation for the nomadic tribes

    depicted in Dede Korkut was the camel. Just as ``stables of

    horses'' were important for riding, ``trains of camels'' were

    necessary for ``loading,'' to transport goods. These tribes

    also utilized other means of conveyance, such as carts, to a

    lesser extent.28

    The heroes of the dastans lived in chadir [tents] made from

    fine cloth, and in the alachik and chardak.h There is

    information regarding some of these dwellings in ``How Salur

    Kazan's House Was Pillaged'':



    How did the enemy rend you, my beautiful home

    There where the white pavilions stood the traces stay

    The field remains where the Oghuz nobles galloped

    The hearth remains where the dark kitchen stood.29



    or:



    Son, pillar of my great tent with its golden smoke-hole,

    Whom I swaddled in the gold-framed cradle.30



    In these works, the barren campsite is depicted. From these

    verses it can be gathered that these tribes also possessed and

    lived in structures other than tents. The white, gold, and

    yellow pavilions mentioned in the dastan constituted the

    partitions inside a home.i In addition, the dastans speak of

    roofed and trellis-type dwellings; these were not universally

    utilized by all members of the tribe. Bayindir, Salur, and the

    Beysj lived in graceful pavilions with embroidered silk

    decorations and carpets, while the ordinary members of the

    tribe occupied light-roofed and trellis structures.

    Concerning the food consumed by protagonists in the dastans,

    mention is made of meat, kimiz,k yoghurt,31 kavurma,l komech,m

    etc. Their clothing--woven by girls and women--comprised the

    kaftan, cubbe [robe?], cuha [broadcloth], chirgab

    [underwear?], fur and leather hats, capug [coarse cloth],

    shalvar [loose trousers] and tulbend [muslin, gauze]. All

    these articles of clothing, with the exception of the iron

    armor32 worn in battle, were produced from the crops grown by

    the tribes. The cubbe was sleeve-less and put on over the

    head. The kaftan, as depicted in the dastan, was long-sleeved

    and long-skirted, worn under the cubbe; it was made by an

    engaged girl for her fiance. As it was embroidered, it was

    regarded as a precious gift. In the section ``When the Inner

    Oghuz rebelled against the Outer Oghuz and Beyrek Died'' many

    a bey confronted Kazan Khan and attempted to persuade Beyrek

    to join them. Beyrek declined, citing Kazan's munificence to

    him. He listed the presents he received: ``Many a time I wore

    magnificent kaftans,''32 given him by Kazan.33

    The Dede Korkut mentions implements used in working and

    farming, principally related to animal husbandry. Some are in

    common use today: cilav-yuyen [reins, bridle], yeher [saddle],

    uzengi [stirrup], nal [horseshoe], kendir [hemp], sicim

    [cord], bichak-chahmak [knife], dagarcik [pouch], kamchi

    [whip], badja [milkpail]. Many terms for weapons are also

    found in the dastans, because the population of Azerbaijan had

    to defend themselves against invaders during the ninth-

    eleventh centuries. The heros of Dede Korkut dastans make use

    of various weapons. In ``How Salur Kazan's House Was

    Pillaged,'' shepherd Karaja, depicted as a people's hero,n

    recites them in the following verses:



    Don't talk rubbish, there's a good infidel dog!

    Rabid infidel, who shares with my dog

    a dog dish of my slops,34

    Why boast of the dappled horse you ride?

    I wouldn't swap my goat with the spotted head for it.

    Why boast of the helmet35 you wear?

    I wouldn't swap my cap for it.

    Why boast of your sixty-span lance?

    I wouldn't swap my dogwood36 stick for it.

    Why boast of your quiver with your ninety arrows?

    I wouldn't swap my colored-handled sling for it.

    Come over here from far and near,

    See the beating your men will get; and then be off.37



    and:



    Give me your chestnut horse,

    Give me your shield of many colors,

    Give me your pure sword of black steel,

    Give me the eighty arrows in your quiver,

    Give me your strong bow with its white grip.38



    In addition to the tugulga [tolga--iron helmet], altmis tutam

    gonder [sixty-span lance], ok [arrow], yay [bow], and kalkan

    [shield] in these verses are weapons such as the gurz [iron-

    mace], chomak [wood-mace], and sungu [short-lance]. In

    addition to weapons of iron the shepherd's sapan [slingshot]

    is mentioned. In ``How Salur Kazan's House Was Pillaged,'' how

    the shepherd Karaja joined the fighting with the sapan he

    carried in his belt is related as follows: ``the pouch39 of the

    shepherd's slingshot was made of a three-year-old calf-hide.

    The rope of his slingshot was made of hair from three goats.

    Every time he swung, he released a twelve-batmano stone.40 The

    first time he released a projectile, he downed two

    [adversaries]. The second time he swung, three and four

    fell.''41

    The sapan is still used, as the ``weapon'' carried by most

    shepherds in their belts for self-defense. It is usually woven

    from goat-hair,42 although a sapan made of wool is also

    encountered in some places. The width at the widest part is

    15-20 centimeters, and the length of each arm, depending on

    the user's height, is 40-50 centimeters, woven in a single

    piece. The center piece is the palm or pouch (now called tas

    yeri--place for the stone), sometimes made of leather.

    In the dastans, there is also mention of making taragga.43

    From the context it is clear that this weapon was utilized to

    produce a powerful noise. The word taragga is in use today,

    for a folded-paper toy made by children, which when moved

    quickly produces a noise reminiscent of a pistol report.

    In Dede Korkut dastans, issues pertaining to family and way

    of life occupy a special place. As is known, the ninth-

    eleventh centuries in Azerbaijan constituted a complex era.

    From a political point of view, this complexity was not

    confined to the unending struggles for sovereignty, battles,

    and turmoil, but extended to social relations. Islam attempted

    to influence the way of life of these mobile tribes by every

    means.

    In the dastans, relations among family members are

    principally based on tribal customs and traditions. Women,

    just like men, participate in the social and agricultural life

    of the tribe. In addition to running the home, they manage an

    important part of livestock raising, the primary tribal

    activity. Men are occupied with planting and hunting. At first

    it seems as if women are excluded from farming.p On closer

    reading, the women are portrayed to be as brave as the warrior

    men. They hunt and enter battles with weapons in hand. This

    bravery of the women is reflected in the first dastans. In

    ``Bogach Khan Son of Dirse Khan,'' Dirse Khan's wife goes

    after her son who has not returned from the hunt. It says:

    ``Dirse Khan's lady turned away. She could not bear it; she

    called her forty slender maidens to her side, she mounted her

    white horse and went in quest of her dear son''44 In the

    section ``Bamsi Beyrek Son of Baybora,'' one of the heroines,

    Lady Chichek, enters into a contest of skill with Baybora,

    equalling him in archery, wrestling, and horse racing.45 In the

    fight against an adversary, Kazan's wife wields her sword

    alongside him.46 Kanturali's fiancee contests with him. Among

    these tribes, when describing girls and women, it is stated:

    ``They could draw [their bows] to their right and left, the

    arrows they discharged would not fall on the ground.''47 There

    was great respect for women.



    Come here, luck of my head, throne of my house,

    Like a cypress when you go out walking.

    Your black hair entwines itself round your heels,

    Your meeting eyebrows are like a drawn bow,

    Your red cheeks are like autumn apples,

    My woman, my support, my dignity.48



    Thus women were described within the tribe. There are no

    references to bigamy in the dastan. In ``Bogach Son of Dirse

    Khan,'' despite Dirse Khan being goaded: ``Him who has no son

    or daughter God most High humiliated, and we shall humiliate

    him too,''49 and though Dirse Khan is angered and blames his

    wife, he does not consider taking a second wife.

    We do not encounter in the dastans instances of girls or

    young men being forced to marry. Both parties had to agree; if

    they saw and did not like each other, ``if the heart was not

    filled with love,'' they did not marry. In one of the dastans,

    when a young man wished to marry, his father said:

    `` `Son, finding the girl is up to you; I'll see that you're

    fed and provided for.'

    Thereupon, Kanturali, that dragon of heroes, rose from his

    place and took his forty young men with him. He searched the

    Inner Oghuz, but could not find a girl; he turned around and

    came home again. His father said:

    `Have you found a girl, son?'

    Kanturali replied:

    `May the Oghuz lands be devastated; I could not find a girl

    to suit me, father.' ''

    It can be seen from this exchange that men did not marry

    until they found a girl to their liking. In another dastan,

    despite the fact that Lady Chichek and Bamsi Beyrek were

    betrothed in the cradle by their fathers, Bay Bijan and

    Baybora, Chichek did not marry Beyrek before testing him.51

    However free the young were to exercise their wishes in

    matters of marriage, they did not ignore the customs of their

    families and tribe. After Beyrek and Chichek agreed to marry,

    Beyrek went home and informed his father, Baybora, of his

    decision. His father answered thus:

    ``Son, let us invite the nobles of the teeming Oghuz to our

    hearth-fire and let us act as they think advisable.''52

    Those invited to the council agreed to the marriage and

    resolved the matter of the envoy. Since the task of

    representation was carried out by the revered aksakal, the

    Oghuz Beys said:

    ``Let Dede Korkut request her hand.''53 Dede Korkut,

    designated as the emissary by the gathering, is greeted on his

    return with the query:

    ``Dede! Are you a boy, or a girl?''

    Dede replied:

    ``I am a boy.''

    ``The bearer of good tidings came to Beyrek and his mother

    and sisters and they rejoiced and were glad.''54

    This example of sending an emissary is reminiscent of the

    present-day tradition. In the same dastan, there are also

    references to baslik [presents or money given to bride's

    family from the groom's side] and cheyiz [bride's dowry]. The

    brother of Lady Chichek demands a baslik for his sister thus:

    ``Bring me a thousand horses that have never mounted a mare,

    a thousand male camels that have never seen a female camel, a

    thousand rams that have never seen a ewe, a thousand dogs with

    no tails or ears. . . .''55 After Beyrek's father provides what

    was demanded, consent is received and the kichik toy is held.56

    The term kichik toy found in Dede Korkut is encountered today

    in some regions, meaning a feast to commemorate the

    engagement. After the kichik toy, the young couple are

    nishanli [engaged, intended]. In the dastans, the word

    nishanli also has variants such as yavuklu [token of

    betrothal] and adakli [promised]. At the time the dastans were

    written, among Azerbaijan tribes there was also the tradition

    of beshikkertme, yavuklu etme57 [betrothal at the cradle,

    token of betrothal] from childhood.58

    In the dastans, as we noted, the term kichik toy was utilized

    for engagement, and the ulu toy was reserved for the grand

    feast [marriage ceremony]. ``Yaltajuk, son of Yalanji held the

    kichik toy.'' He promised the ulu toy.''59 After the ulu toy,

    they repaired to the bey otagi [nuptial chamber], still called

    by this name), a distance from the bride's in-laws.60 In the

    ``Bamsi Beyrek Son of Baybora'' it is noted: ``At the time of

    the Oghuz, upon marrying, a young man would shoot an arrow.

    Where the arrow landed, there they erected the nuptial

    chamber.''61 This tradition, the establishment of the nuptial

    chamber some distance from the parents' home, was symbolic of

    the growth of the tribe, constituting a natural increase of

    population, leaving behind its limited scope.

    The bride and young women wore simple ornaments and jewelry.

    ``Her hair braided, wearing buttons of red, hands dyed with

    henna to the wrists,62 ornate gold rings on her fingers, the

    girl was married.''63 The bride wore a scarlet veil. The groom

    would wear the ``scarlet kaftan,'' which the bride had made

    and sent to him, for forty days. Afterward, it would be

    presented to a dervish.64

    As we gather from the Dede Korkut dastan, divorce among the

    nomadic tribes was almost nonexistent during the ninth-

    eleventh centuries. In the twelve dastans comprising the book,

    we do not encounter a single divorce. Husband and wife are

    separated only by chance, when battles and conflicts

    necessitated a man's absence from his family. In such cases

    the men would say to their wives or fiancees: ``Woman [girl],

    allow me a year! If I do not return by then, give me two

    years! If I am not back by then, allow me three years!''65

    Relations among family members are characterized by an even

    higher degree of loyalty and sacrifice. The love between

    husband and wife is placed above parents' affection for their

    offspring. In ``Wild Dumrul Son of Dukha Koja,'' the principal

    character is defeated in a battle with Azrael. Azrael wants to

    take his life. He pleads, and Azrael gives him the option of

    substituting another soul. The young man asks his parents, but

    they do not want to die in their son's place. The young man

    loses all hope, and prepares to bid farewell to his wife, who

    says: ``Your embalmed mother and father, what is in a life

    that they declined? ... May my life be sacrificed to yours,''66

    and declares her readiness to accept death in her husband's

    stead. A reading of the dastans reveals the wife to be the

    supportive, honored, and devoted friend of her husband.

    During the ninth-eleventh centuries in Azerbaijan, Islam had

    still not attained a dominant position among nomadic tribes.67

    Religion was very weak. Even though there were references to

    Islam in the language, we do not encounter compliance with

    such precepts in deeds. In ``Wild Dumrul Son of Dukha Koja,''

    belief in God is reluctant. The character defies God. He does

    not entertain any thoughts of Azrael; he battles with and

    attempts to destroy him. Here, the character is presented as

    being much more powerful than Azrael in many respects. While

    their belief in God was weak, the heroes of the dastans often

    concluded compacts based on earthly objects. For example, they

    took oaths with the words: ``May you be pared by my sword,''

    ``perforated by my arrow,'' ``water the earth.'' Their prayers

    were not religious, but, like their oaths, consisted of

    elements from daily life.r

    There was no compliance with the Islamic ``precepts.'' Wine,

    prohibited by religion, was not absent from their tables.

    Statements such as ``If there is a shadow on your pure heart,

    wine will clear it,''68 ``they drank wine in golden goblets,''69

    are often encountered in the dastans. The gatherings depicted

    in the dastans are not without ``wine-filled cups.'' In these

    social occasions, one cannot escape a line of ``golden-stemmed

    pitchers.'' Infidel girls fill the cups of the Oghuz Beys.70

    The names introduced by Islam, such as Mohammed, Ali, Hasan,

    and Huseyin, had not found acceptance within this society.

    Music and dance, forbidden by Islam, were intertwined with the

    daily life of the ninth-eleventh century Azerbaijan people.

    The nomadic tribes in particular could not live their lives

    silently. Instruments and singers were not condemned, but on

    the contrary, the famed ashiks of the era were the respected

    ozans among the people. To be an ozan, to play the kopuz was

    the aspiration of every tribal member, to the extent that

    tribal leaders, too, learned these skills. The son of famed

    Baybora, Beyrek, after obtaining his freedom, returns home in

    the guise of an ozan, in order to take stock of his friends

    and foes. This event is depicted thus:



    Beyrek came to the Oghuz land and saw a minstrel [ozan]

    journeying. ``Wither away, minstrel?'' said he. ``To the

    wedding, young lord,'' the minstrel replied. ``Whose is the

    wedding?'' ``Yaltajuk's, son of Yalanji.'' ``And who is the

    girl he is marrying?'' ``The betrothed of the lord Beyrek,''

    said the minstrel. ``Minstrel,'' said Beyrek, ``give me your

    lute [kopuz] and I shall give you my horse. Keep him till I

    come and bring you his price and take him. . . .'' The

    minstrel gave his lute to Beyrek.... Beyrek took it.71



    Kazan Khan, depicted as the principal character of the Dede

    Korkut dastans, also played the kopuz, composing poems.72

    Kopuz-players traveled widely, becoming a witness to people's

    sorrows and happiness. They discerned people's friends and

    foes, and were well acquainted with the brave and the

    contemptible. In the introduction to the fifteenth-century

    Dede Korkut dastans, it says: ``Kopuz-bearing ozans traveled

    from land to land, tribe to tribe; it is the ozan who knows

    the brave and the coward.''73 To have your daughter marry an

    ozan, becoming related with the ozans, was also regarded as an

    honor. In popular poetry, this is summarized as:



    My daughter, my daughter

    May my daughter be resplendent74

    May the ozan earn silver

    I betrothed my daughter to an ozan.



    According to the Turkish scholar M. F. Kopruluzade, as found

    in the eighteenth-century music book Zubdetul Advar, the

    kopuz-saz has three strings, is made of wood, and played with

    the plectrum.75 In addition to the kopuz, nagharalar [kettle

    drums] and burmasi altin borular [golden knotted (?) horns]76

    were among the musical instruments of the nomadic tribes in

    this era. The kettle drums and horns were largely used in

    battle.t The drummers would be accompanied by a group of zurna-

    playersu at feasts.77

    The information contained in the Dede Korkut dastans is very

    interesting for the study of the spiritual civilization of the

    Azerbaijan people in the ninth-eleventh centuries. In these

    dastans, we also encounter information on feast days,

    childrens' games, and entertainments. As we begin to study the

    dastans from an ethnographic point of view, it will be

    possible to obtain more knowledge about these matters.



    Editor's Notes



    a. See Peter B. Golden, Khazar Studies (Budapest: Akademiai

    Kiado, 1980); D.M. Dunlop, The History of the Jewish Khazars

    (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954); N. Golb and O.

    Pritsak, Khazarian Hebrew Documents (Ithaca: Cornell

    University Press, 1982).



    b. See Turks, Hungarians and Kipchaks: A Festschrift in Honor

    of Tibor Halasi-Kun, P. Oberling, ed., Journal of Turkish

    Studies, 1984, vol. 8.



    c. According to sources, Derbend is the location of first

    contacts between the Khazars and the Arabs, ca. A.D. 642-52.

    See D.M. Dunlop, The History of the Jewish Khazars (Princeton:

    Princeton University Press, 1954).



    d. It is stressed that Getran Tebrizi is an Azerbaijan poet,

    writing in Persian. His collected works have been translated

    into Azerbaijan Turkish. See Getran Tebrizi, Divan [Collected

    Poems], trans. by Gulamhuseyin Berdeli (Baku: Nizami Institute

    of Literature and Language, Azerbaijan SSR Academy of

    Sciences, 1967). The first eighteen pages of the introduction

    in this volume is devoted to the arguments and documentation

    that Getran Tebrizi was an Azerbaijan Turk and that he wrote

    his works in Azerbaijan Turkish. Tebrizi's works have long

    been available in the West, cited, inter alia, by E.G. Browne

    in his Literary History of Persia (London, 1902) and

    catalogued by Charles Rieu. See the Catalogue of the Persian

    Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1895), vol. 4.



    e. The original quotation is in Persian and written in Perso-

    Arabic script, followed by its translation in Cyrillic

    ``designed'' for Azerbaijan Turkish in the Soviet era. See

    Alpamysh for the ``language reforms'' leading to the formation

    of the ``alphabets.''



    f. For the terms ozan and ashik, the composers and reciters

    of dastans, see Paksoy, Alpamysh, pp. 3-5, 14-15.



    g. Literally ``white-beard,'' the respected elder. See H. B.

    Paksoy, ``The Traditional Oglak Tartis among the Kirghiz of

    the Pamirs,'' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (of Great

    Britain & Ireland), 1985, no. 2.



    h. Types of dwellings, with or without portable wooden

    structures. For a detailed discussion of the dwellings or

    homes of this type, see Z. V. Togan, Turkili Turki-stan,

    p. 46. DLT also provides examples.



    i. Dadashzade uses the architectural term agban, variant of

    eyvan: a three-walled, vaulted structure, usually open at the

    front.



    j. The principal characters of the dastan Dede Korkut.



    k. Also known as qumiss, etc. See, inter alia, DLT (p. 184).

    It is still an immensely popular drink containing natural

    alcohol, due to the fermentation process in its preparation

    (although it is not as strong as hard liquor). It is not

    plentiful year round because of seasonal factors. Russians

    became aware of the nourishing and rejuvenating qualities of

    kimiz after their occupation of Kazakhstan. Several

    sanatoriums are currently operating in the Kazakh steppe where

    kimiz is the primary dietetic and therapeutic prescription,

    especially against tuberculosis. This discovery of the

    beneficial effects of kimiz against TB is probably what caused

    Moscow to reconsider and relax sovhoz-kolhoz rules in the

    area, in order to ensure the maintenance of large herds of

    mares necessary to supply kimiz for the sanatoriums where

    party officials are treated.



    l. Meat that is deep-fried to prevent spoilage.



    m. Where food in containers, usually in clay pots, is buried

    in hot coals or ash for slow cooking.



    n. The implication being that although he is not of noble

    lineage, he is able to tell off the adversary courageously.



    o. Clearly an exaggeration for emphasis, worthy of the

    ``pouch'' of the slingshot he had. One batman was equal to 5-

    30 lbs., depending on the geographic location. As a weight-

    measure, the batman was in use until 1930s in the region.



    p. The word used here, chol, means both ``steppe-desert'' and

    ``farming,'' depending on context. While reading the next

    passage, one must keep this in mind.



    q. Toy is the term used for ceremonies, including but not

    limited to weddings. For example, feasts of all manner found

    in Dede Korkut are called toys.



    r. What appears to be an argument in compliance with the

    Communist Party of the Soviet Union's atheistic policies,

    therefore assured a sympathetic reading from the official

    censor, in actuality has a secondary agenda. According to I.

    Kafesoglu, there was an indigenous religion, Tengri, among the

    Turk groups before the arrival of Islam. See Turk Milli

    Kulturu (Istanbul, 1984). Throughout the 1980s, Central Asians

    began expressing similar thoughts, rejecting Islam as an

    usurper that sapped the vitality of the Turks. For example, M.

    Mahmudov, in his ``Olmez Kayalar'' (``Immortal Cliffs,''

    serialized in the monthly Sark Yildizi [Tashkent], October and

    November, 1981), underscores the struggle between the

    indigenous religion and Islam. See H.B. Paksoy, ``Central

    Asia's New Dastans,'' Central Asian Survey, 1987, vol. 6,

    no. 1. That theme received attention even earlier in

    Azerbaijan. For example, in 1927, Jafar Jabarli wrote a novel

    with the title Od Gelini (Bride of Fire), which was reissued

    in the original, in the collective works of Jafar Jabarli,

    Eserler, vol. 1 (Baku: Azarbaijan Devlet Neshriyati, 1968).

    One of the main themes of this novel is the battle between the

    indigenous religion and Islam, introduced by Arab invaders in

    the eighth-ninth centuries. It was also translated into

    Russian, under the title Nevsta ognia, reference to which is

    found in N.A. Pashaev, Pobeda kulturnoi revoliutsii v

    sovetskom Azerbaidzhane (Moscow: Nauka, 1976), p. 118. See

    also Ocherk istorii Azerbaidzhanskoi sovetskoi literatury

    (Moscow: USSR Academy of Sciences, 1963), which contains a

    synopsis (pp. 145-46). Nor is this movement confined to the

    post-1917 period. Even earlier, Celil Memmedkuluzade began

    outlining and expressing this conflict in his immensely

    popular journal Molla Nasreddin during 1906. See H.B. Paksoy,

    ``Elements of Humor in Central Asia: The Example of the

    Journal Molla Nasreddin in Azerbaijan,'' Turkestan: als

    historischer Faktor und politische Idee, Baymirza Hayit

    Festschrift, Erling von Mende, ed. (Cologne: Studienverlag,

    1988). Moreover, this conflict has been receiving attention in

    the writings of others throughout Central Asia.



    s. Lute. A representative specimen may be found in the Pitt-

    Rivers Museum (Oxford). In Asia Minor, a direct descendant of

    this instrument, the saz and a slightly larger version, the

    baglama, is still enormously popular. For a full description

    with photo-graphs, see Bolat Saribaev, Kazaktin Muzikalik

    Aspaptari (Alma-Ata, 1978); and G. Doerfer, ``Turkische und

    Mongolische Elemente,'' Neupersichen 3 (Wiesbaden, 1967),

    1546.



    t. The main purpose was to transmit orders from the

    commanders to the troops, over distances of up to three miles.

    These orders involved direction of attack, regrouping,

    flanking, and specialized tactical ambush maneuvers. Later,

    under the Ottomans, a full military band evolved.



    u. The zurna is a double-reed woodwind instrument, probably

    the grandfather of the modern-day oboe. It is still in wide

    use.



    Notes



    1. M. Rafili, Drevnaiaia Azerbaizhanskaia literatura (do

    nachala XVI v.) (Baku, 1941), p. 16.



    2. Dr. Mehmed Cevad, Tercume Tarih Tabari az abvali balgay

    (Tahran, 1332 [1914/1915]), p. 327 [in Perso-Arabic script].



    3. Materialy po istorii Azerbaidzhana iz Tarikh-al-Kamil

    ibn al-Asira (Baku, 1940), p. 111.



    4. Getran Tebrizi, Divan (Tabriz, 1333 [1916/1917]) p. 5

    [in Perso-Arabic script]. [This is the volume from which the

    above-cited Azerbaijan Turkish translation of the same work

    was made.]



    5. Kniga moego Dede Korkuda: Oguzskii geroicheskii epos.

    V.V. Bartold, trans. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1962), p. 120.



    6. Ibid., p. 5.



    7. Azerbaijan Edebiyati Tarihi [History of Azerbaijan

    Literature], vol. 1 (Baku, 1960), p. 53.



    8. For detailed information on the language of the dastans,

    see E.M. Demircizade, Kitab-i Dede Korkut dastanlarinin Dili

    (Baku, 1959) p. 6.



    9. Azerbaijan Edebiyati Tarihi, vol. 1, p. 54.



    10. Kitabi Dede Korkut (Baku, 1939), p. 22 [see The Book of

    Dede Korkut, G. L. Lewis, trans., p. 31, ``The Story of

    Boghach Khan''].



    11. Azerbaijan Halk dastanlari, vol. 1 (Baku, 1961), p.

    124. [The epithet Gurbani evokes images of ``sacrificial.'' On

    the poet Gurbani, see P. Efendiev, Azerbaijan Sifahi Halk

    Edebiyati (Baku, 1981), p. 168. This is a textbook for the

    Institute of Pedagogy. It is not unusual for parents to

    ``pledge a vow, sacrifice'' when they desire offspring. See

    Lewis, ``Bamsi Beyrek,'' in The Book of Dede Korkut].



    12. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 26.



    13. Esruk-sarhos. [Dadashzade is providing the current-use

    equivalents for a number of words. In this case, the old

    Turkish word esruk, also found in the eleventh-century DLT

    (see above), is ``intoxicated.'']



    14. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 87 [ellipsis by Dadashzade].



    15. Ibid., p. 76.



    16. Ibid., p. 35.

    17. Ibid., p. 32.



    18. Ibid., p. 130.



    19. Beyaz at cins at [``white horse'' symbolizing a

    thoroughbred].



    20. Tuman-chok saydi [numerous].



    21. Gaytaban--deve yatagi [specific place where the camel

    herd stays or is sheltered].



    22. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 22.



    23. Kulun-at balasi [colt].



    24. Koshek-deve balasi [camel-colt].



    25. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 39.



    26. Evliyayi seyahatnama, vol. 3, p. 13 [in Perso-Arabic

    script].



    27. Ashiklar, vol. 2. (Baku, 1960), p. 23.



    28. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 144. [See Togan, Oguz Destani,

    for the earliest mention of ``cart.'']



    29. Ibid., p. 34 [see the Lewis translation, p. 46].



    30. Ibid., p. 36 [see the Lewis translation, p. 50].



    31. Yoghurt--katik. In some places in Azerbaijan, the term

    yoghurt is still used.



    32. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 157. [The original has two

    footnotes designated number 32 in the text, but only one

    footnote 32 is referenced at the bottom of the page. The

    second note 32 is not otherwise identified.]



    33. The word kaftan was utilized in this context until the

    twentieth century.



    34. Yal--it yali [dog slop].



    35. Zogal [it appears that notes 35 and 36 were reversed

    during typesetting].



    36. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 33.



    37. Ibid., p. 36 [see the Lewis translation, p. 44].



    38. Tugulga--demir bork [iron helmet] [see the Lewis

    translation, p. 49. The order of the original footnotes was

    scrambled, especially those pertaining to ``dogwood'' and

    ``helmet''].



    39. Aya--sapanin tas koyulan yeri.



    40. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 40.



    41. Ibid., p. 34.



    42. Goat-hair [kechi tuku] is also called gezil.



    43. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 129 [this word basically means

    ``noise.'' Another term for this toy is ``patlangach.'']



    44. Ibid. (Baku, 1939), p. 26 [see Lewis, p. 35].



    45. Ibid., pp. 48-49 [see Lewis].



    46. Ibid., p. 84.



    47. Ibid., p. 94.



    48. Kitabi Dede Korkut (Baku, 1939), p. 20. [See Lewis, p.

    28. There are slight variations between lines provided by

    Dadashzade and the Lewis translation].



    49. Ibid., p. 19 [Lewis, p. 28].



    50. Ibid., p. 93 [Lewis, p. 117].



    51. Ibid., p. 45.



    52. Ibid., p. 49 [Lewis, p. 65].



    53. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 51.



    54. Ibid., p. 52 [Lewis, p. 67].



    55. Ibid., pp. 49-51 [Lewis, p. 67].



    56. Ibid., p. 55.



    57. Ibid., p. 47.



    58. This tradition was still alive until the revolution.



    59. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 53.



    60. The terms gaynata [kayin-ata: father-in-law] and

    gaynana [kayin-ana: mother-in-law] are still in use.



    61. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 53.



    62. The tradition of decorating hands with henna began

    during the Middle Ages.



    63. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 137.



    64. Ibid., p. 53.



    65. Ibid., p. 137.



    66. Ibid., pp. 90-91.



    67. Said Nefisi, in his introduction to the Nizaminin

    Kasideler ve Gazeller Divani, basing himself on the works of

    the authors of the Middle Ages, states that even in the tenth

    century in Azerbaijan, Moslems do not constitute a majority.



    68. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 55.



    69. Ibid., p. 126.



    70. Ibid., p. 31.



    71. Kitabi Dede Korkut, pp. 58-59 [Lewis, p. 75].



    72. Ibid., p. 145.



    73. Ibid., p. 162 [see also Lewis, p. 190].



    74. E. M. Damircizade, Azerbaijan Edebi Dilinin Inkisaf

    Yollari (Baku, 1958), p. 18.



    75. Azerbaijan Incesanati, vol. 7 (Baku, 1962), p. 38.



    76. Kitabi Dede Korkut, p. 42.



    77. Ibid., p. 64.
     
  7. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

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    UNITED NATIONS EDUCATIONAL,

    SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL ORGANIZATION

    Address by

    Mr Koichiro Matsuura

    Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

    (UNESCO) on the occasion of the information meeting with the Permanent Delegations on the project "Proclamation of masterpieces of the oral and intangible heritage of humanity"


    UNESCO, 5 May 2000


    Your Excellencies,

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    It is a very great pleasure to me to address you on the occasion of this information

    meeting concerning the project "Proclamation of masterpieces of the oral and intangible

    heritage of humanity".

    Last week I sent a letter to all the Member States asking them to propose a cultural

    space or a form of popular and traditional cultural expression of a nature to be declared a

    "masterpiece of the oral and intangible heritage of humanity". The guide to the

    implementation of the project was enclosed with this letter, to which the Regulations

    approved by the Executive Board at its 155th session were attached.

    It seemed advisable to hold this meeting today to enable my colleagues in the Culture

    Sector, particularly those in the Intangible Heritage Unit, to elucidate with you any points that

    might require clarification.

    On 25 February this year, the "Day of Dialogue" with the Executive Board Members, I

    said how important I believe the intangible heritage to be. The sole purpose of my presence

    on this rostrum today is to confirm the priority that I am giving to this programme for the

    Organization.

    What are the reasons for this?

    While globalization entails increasing economic interdependence and a stepping up of

    cultural interaction, it also presents a risk in the cultural sphere, for it threatens the survival of

    many forms of cultural expression. This impoverishment of cultural life affects us all as world

    citizens. Culture, which is intrinsically plural, diverse and constantly evolving, weaves the

    fabric of our societies, our memory, our manifold identities, our creativity - in short, our inner

    existence.

    The preservation and promotion of cultural diversity are fundamental missions of

    UNESCO. In the field of the tangible heritage, the Organization is regarded as a pioneer,

    having set up an admirable instrument, which is partly responsible for its renown. As a former

    Chairperson of the World Heritage Committee, I have had the opportunity of appreciating

    how essential to effective and quality action are the Convention concerning the Protection of

    the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, which was adopted in 1972, the Intergovernmental

    Committee and the World Heritage Fund.

    Cultural diversity, however, cannot be maintained solely by the preservation of the

    material vestiges of the past. It requires, too, the preservation and promotion of what is now

    called the "intangible heritage", which is the melting-pot of creativity and the mainspring of

    living cultures.

    The programme with which we are concerned today, the masterpieces of the oral and

    intangible heritage programme - which, I know, is of interest to many Member States - does

    not yet have strong enough instruments to enable it to fulfil its mission satisfactorily. In the

    field of the intangible heritage, the only international standard-setting instrument that we have



    is the Recommendation on the Safeguarding of Traditional Culture and Folklore. Adopted in

    1989 by the UNESCO General Conference, it is the only international legal instrument

    existing in this field. It urges Member States to "take necessary measures to safeguard

    folklore against all human and natural dangers to which it is exposed". For the intangible

    heritage comprises endless forms of expression conveying the fundamental values of the life

    of a people and a community - oral traditions, traditional lore, the skills required for the

    creation of the tangible cultures, systems of values, performing arts, languages. These various

    forms of expression are the basic sources of cultural identity.

    Epics - and I have in mind in particular that of the Turkish-speaking peoples attributed

    to Dede Korkut, perpetuated by oral tradition up to the fifteenth century before being written

    down, or the heroic epic of the Dzungar of Mongolia, or the eulogy of Sundiata, legendary

    founder of the fourteenth-century Empire of Mali, sung by the griots - are vectors of the

    historical, geographical, political, social, linguistic and literary references of the peoples

    whose history they relate. Although many of these epics have already been noted down, the

    oral and gestural skills of the storytellers and griots who keep them alive should also be

    immortalized without delay.

    The matter is urgent. The story of the Mossi dynasty, founded in the fifteenth century in

    what is now Burkina Faso, for instance, is related by the criers. Fewer and fewer people are

    now able to understand it. Before this heritage, which belongs to humanity as a whole, dies

    out once and for all, it seems essential to me to record it, preserve it in writing and publish it.

    Spiritual, literary and historical masterpieces such as the Bible, the Iliad and the Odyssey

    were handed down by word of mouth long before they were set down in writing, and we have

    lost forever the music of their utterance. The same is true of the Kojiki, the first book of

    Japanese history, compiled and written down in 712, which is a landmark for the Japanese

    people.

    Preserving and revitalizing local languages and cultural practices specific to certain

    localities also helps to enhance cultural diversity. Nowadays, this appears as one of the means

    likely to check the tendency towards more and more cultural uniformity as a result of

    globalization and the technological revolution in the field of information and communication.

    Hence, even before more elaborate international instruments are at our disposal, we

    have decided here and now to launch this programme for the Proclamation of masterpieces of

    the oral and intangible heritage of humanity. Over and above our own conviction, we have

    been led to take this step by the pressing demands of many Member States, anxious to

    safeguard the treasures of their intangible heritage which is gradually disappearing. A jury

    composed of nine members designated in a personal capacity will consider and select

    applications.

    The budget for this programme will be financed largely from extrabudgetary resources,

    in accordance with the wish expressed by a number of Member States at the 157th session of

    the Executive Board. Some countries have already entered into firm commitments, either for

    the granting of prizes, or for the setting up of funds-in-trust for the programme. I should like,

    however, to reiterate my appeal for voluntary contributions.

    The clarifications you will receive today will be of a somewhat technical and practical

    nature, in particular, concerning the procedure for submission of candidatures. Questions

    relating rather to the substance, such as detailed selection criteria, will be noted by my

    colleagues, who will answer subsequently in writing, after consulting the Jury at the

    extraordinary meeting that it is to hold on 15 June.



    With regard to the international assistance that UNESCO will be able to offer Member

    States, I am pleased to inform you that we are ready to provide you with assistance in

    preparing of a file for the submission of a candidature. The total amount of that assistance will

    be US $20,000 per country, in line with that proposed by the Chairperson of the World

    Heritage Committee. Mr Mounir Bouchenaki, ADG a.i. of the Culture Sector, will give you

    further details in this connection.

    So in May 2001 the Jury will be able to meet and for the first time proclaim

    "masterpieces of the oral and intangible heritage of humanity".

    Furthermore, as you know, the General Conference decided, at its 30th session, that

    UNESCO would "carry out a preliminary study on the advisability of regulating

    internationally, through a new standard-setting instrument, the protection of traditional culture

    and folklore".

    We might contemplate setting up, in the medium term, a Convention for the protection

    of the intangible heritage, an intergovernmental committee and a Fund, on the lines of the

    World Heritage programme.

    In conclusion, I should like to tell you how pleased I was to learn that this project has

    been extensively and keenly debated by a great many Member States, at sessions of both the

    General Conference and the Executive Board, and at various information meetings. I should

    like to thank and pay tribute to all those of you who for several years have taken an interest in

    this project and who are, in a way, its "sponsors". Finally, I should like to invite those who

    have just joined us to share our efforts to make a success of this new project.
     
  8. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

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  9. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

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  10. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

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  11. Behrooz

    Behrooz مدیر بازنشسته کاربر فعال

    تاریخ عضویت:
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